The date of the foundation of Fes is from the early 9th century. Fes soon after received an influx of diverse origins, Berbers, Jews, Arabs, including also Spanish Muslims from Cordoba. A strong scientific tradition was established in Fes, and many men of science lived there.
Figure 1. A painting of the old city of Fez
Fes is a symbol of Muslim excellence. Browsing through Burckhardt’s work on the city[1] one is struck by the crucial element that has marked Muslim civilisation in its glory days: the search for perfection; a search which marked all Muslim scientific, artistic and literary achievements.
Many of these accomplishments have disappeared with time, but the traces can be still seen in Fes; somehow the city is a depository of Muslim achievements, and much of this can be seen in the photos of buildings and treasures of the city.
The date of the foundation of Fes is from the early 9th century, the work of the Idrisids.[2] Soon after, Fes received an influx of people of diverse origins, Berbers, Jews, and Arabs, including also Spanish Muslims from Cordoba who had just been severely repressed by the ruler Al-Hakem I.[3] The city grew in size and in cultural importance. Available information shows that a strong scientific tradition was established in Fes, and many men of science lived there.[4]
 Figure 3. A 1959 Moroccan stamp commemorating Al-Qarawiyyin University which was established in 859CE in Fez. (Source) |
The city’s greatest symbol of culture and science is the Qarrawiyyin mosque university. Al-Qarrawiyyin was first built in 859, and was for some time one of the three or four schools of the city, before becoming the principal centre of higher learning in Morocco.[5] At the Qarrawiyyin, in Merinid times (later Middle Ages) there were courses on grammar, rhetoric, logic, elements of mathematics and astronomy.[6] There were also and possibly courses in history, geography and elements of chemistry.[7] The Qarawiyyin had three separate libraries, the most prestigious of which being the Abu Inan Library, also known as the Ilmyia library, whose original building is still standing.[8] Founded by the Merinid Sultan, al-Mutawakkil Abu Inan, the library opened its doors to students and the general public in 750H/1349 CE. An avid reader and collector, the Sultan deposited in his newly founded library books on subjects that included religion, science, intellect and language, and he also appointed a librarian to take charge of the affairs of the library.[9] The university itself was endowed principally by royal families and received students from all parts, near and far, from the Maghreb, south of the Sahara and possibly also Europe.[10] Students lived in residential quadrangles, which contained two and three story buildings, accommodating between sixty and a hundred and fifty students, who all received a basic allowance for food and accommodation.[11] Fes also had a number of madrassas (schools) built by the Merenids, thus helping secure regular and universal education in the city.[12]
During the rule of the Almohads, in the 12th century, Fes witnessed its cultural, literary and commercial apogee. In the reign of al-Mansur (d. 1198) and his followers there were in Fes seven hundred and eighty five mosques and zawiyas (Sufi retreats). There are about 250 today; 240 places of convenience and purification, and 80 public fountains, which were all fed with water from springs and brooks. There were 93 public baths and 472 mills within and alongside the walls, not counting those outside the city. The same chronicler goes on to mention 89,036 dwelling houses, 19,041 warehouses, 467 founduks (hotels) for the convenience of merchants, travellers, and the homeless; 9,082 shops, two commercial districts, one in the Andalusian district, near the river Masmuda, and the other in the Kairaounese district; 3,064 workshops, 117 public wash-houses; 86 tanneries; 116 dye works; 12 copper smiths; 136 bread ovens; and 1170 other ovens. There were also 400 paper making shops,[13] which gives an idea of the scope of the intellectual life of the city.
Figure 4. The Qarawiyeen Mosque (Image Source) and al-Fihri figure © 1001 Inventions (Source)
From the beginning of the 12th century until our time, `the glory’ of the Qarrawiyyin, it is held, was its body of scholars (ulamas).’[14] Among the scholars who studied and taught there were Ibn Khaldun, Ibn al-Khatib, al-Bitruji, Ibn Harazim, Ibn Maymun, and Ibn Wazzan.[15] The most prominent of these figures later on exercised their skills in other places.
A prominent scholar of Fes, whose scientific accomplishments out-lasted the centuries was the mathematician Ibn al-Banna. Ibn al-Banna, also known as Abu’l-Abbas Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Uthman al-Azdi, was born in 1256 in the city of Marrakech, the son of an architect.[16] Ibn al-Banna studied geometry, fractional numbers and learnt much of the impressive contributions that the Muslims had made to mathematics over the preceding 400 years.[17] At the university in Fes Ibn al-Banna taught all branches of mathematics, which at this time included arithmetic, algebra, geometry and astronomy. Many students studied under Ibn al-Banna in a thriving academic community.[18] Ibn al-Banna wrote between 51 and 74 works, most of them on mathematics and astronomy.[19] Based on the inventory that was made, at the time, by Ibn Hayder, Ibn al-Banna seems to be the author of more than 100 titles, of which 32 concern Mathematics and Astronomy, the others being dedicated to disciplines very distant from each other, like Linguistics, Rhetoric, Astrology, Grammar and Logic.[20] Ibn al-Banna solved the problems that preoccupied his contemporaries; one work in particular addressed a whole new form of mathematical problems and questions.[21] This work is Tanbih al-albab, the first part of which contains the precise mathematical answers to problems of everyday life, such as the composition of medicaments, the calculation of the drop of irrigation canals, the arithmetical explanation of a verse of the Qur’an concerning inheritance, the determination of the hour of the third daily prayer, the explanation of frauds linked to instruments of measurement, and the exact calculation of legal tax in the case of a delayed payment.[22] The second part, which belongs to the already ancient tradition of judicial and cultural mathematics, joins a collection of little arithmetical problems presented in the form of poetical riddles.[23]
Figure 5. “The Lifting of the Veil in the Operations of Calculations” written by Abū’l Abbās Ahmad ibn al-Bannāʾ (1256-1321) of what is now Morocco, demonstrates a high level of mathematics at this time.] (Source)(Source)
Ibn al-Banna’s other most famous work is Talkhis amal al-hisab (Summary of the operations of calculation) and the Raf al-Hijab (Lifting of the veil) which is his own commentary on the Talkhis. The Talkhis contains many new features, including improved treatment of fractions; sums of squares and cubes; casting out of nines, eights, and sevens; rules of double false position.[24] In this work Ibn al-Banna introduces some mathematical notation which has led certain authors to believe that algebraic symbolism was first developed in Islam by ibn al-Banna and al-Qalasadi.[25] The Talkhis was very popular: for over two centuries it was used as a manual of mathematical scholarship.[26] There are also many interesting mathematical ideas and results which appear in the Raf al-Hijab, such as continued fractions used to compute approximate square roots.[27]
Ibn al-Banna also seems to have been the first to consider a fraction as a ratio between two numbers and in his Kitab al-Manakh (hence our word almanac), which includes data on astronomy and meteorology, he seems to be the first to use the world manakh in this sense.[28] Note must be taken that Ibn al-Banna was the teacher of Ibn Brahim al-Abbali (d.1368) who in his turn was Ibn Khaldun’s teacher.
Figures 6-7. Photo (Right) of the Al-Lija’i clepsydra clock located in the room of al-Muwaqqit (time keeper) in the minaret of the Al-Qarawiyyin mosque (Left) in Fes, Morocco. © 1001 Inventions (Source)
Fes was the capital of Morocco until early in the 20th century. As such it played a major role in the history of the country. It is not, however, the remit of this work to dwell on the history of Fes, for this is quite lengthy, and would affect the overall balance of this short essay. It will be, nonetheless, a failure not to lend some attention to the glorious era of the city and its greatest Sa’adian ruler, Abd el Malek (d.1578), in the late 16th century which marked truly the golden age of Morocco. This age was initiated by Abd el Malek, and continued under his successor, al Mansur, who ruled until 1603, and in whose court thrived the famed later historian of Islam, Mohammed al Maqqari.
We will ignore all the inter-dynastic conflicts and conflicts between dynasties as this is of no interest to us here. We begin straight with 1576, the year when Abd al Malek, the heir to the throne, chased away the usurper, Mohammed al Mutawakil. Abd el Malek was far ahead any other ruler of the time in terms of vision in regard to international relations. He was not just a great visionary, he died gloriously on the field of battle, on 4 August 1578, defending his faith and country.[29] His great victory led to the great Golden Age of Morocco under his brother Ahmed al Dahabi (the Golden).
Figures 8-9: Two examples of the Almohad architecture: the Giralda in Seville and the Kutubiya in Marrakech, Fes (Source)
The Moroccan contemporary historian, al Ufrani, is a great source for that era, and he narrates for us how Abd al Malek marched on Fes, to oust his nephew, and usurper, al Mutawakil.[30] Al-Mutawakil, having heard of the advance made by his uncle, left Fes so as to meet him in battle, and soon the two armies found themselves facing each other at Errokn.[31] When abandoned by the Andalusians serving in his ranks, al-Mutawakil, who was not known for his courage, also fled the field,[32] and sent instead, his most trusted commander and confidant, Ali b. Shaqran, to confront Abd al Malek.[33] Ibn Shaqran, too, joined Abd al-Malek, and to make matters worse for al-Mutawakil, Moroccans rose everywhere against him and attacked his military supplies.[34] The panic stricken usurper fled towards Marrakech, and so allowed Abd al-Malek to enter Fes unopposed in March 1576, where he was thus proclaimed sultan in the 3rd decade of Dhu al-Hidja 983 (end of March 1576).[35]
Abd al-Malek inaugurated his rule based on peaceful intercourse with Christian Europe, and even seeking to bring the two faiths of Islam and Christianity closer. The sultan’s compassion for Christian captives greatly contributed to earn for him a good image and high esteem in Europe.[36] The Roman Catholics saw him more Christian than Muslim;[37] to the Protestants he portrayed himself as a great admirer of their religion and ‘a hater of Roman Catholic ‘idolatry.’[38] Yet, his subjects tended to see him as an Islamic revivalist,[39] and to the Ottomans he was a mujahid and a ghazi (meaning one who engages in jihad activity).[40]
Figure 10. Leather tanning, Fes, Morocco (Source)
On his accession, he delivered a policy statement, expressing his intention to turn Morocco into a great trading centre.[41] He spoke at length of Morocco’s geo-strategic location and economic potentialities with which, he claimed, no other country could compare.[42] He suggested that western European commodities which passed overland through Germany and Italy to the Levant could pass through Morocco, which was a much shorter and safer route.[43] He proposed a commercial treaty according to which Western traders would enjoy privileges such as safe passage to the Levant, immunity from capture and captivity, and the right to trade in any commodity they sought in Morocco. He also pointed out to the good marketing prospects for some goods.[44] He called for the free flow of trade, so that Moroccan ships would have equal freedom to call at the Christian ports instead of the usual one-way traffic, i.e Christians calling at Moroccan ports.[45] He proposed a revision of the method of redeeming captives, advocating that freedom be granted to all captives to follow the religion of their choice.[46] He also called for a mutual undertaking that would allow neither Christians nor Muslims to engage in raids against each other’s territory by sea or land; and that if any Muslim seamen stole Spanish goods and were caught they would be hanged and the cargo would be handed back to the Spaniards.[47]
Figure 11. Closeup of colorful Moroccan tile-work. (Source)
In Portugal, in particular, all these peace overtures were not particularly welcomed. King Sebastian, a zealous crusader who dreamt of a Christian kingdom in North Africa, had by now decided to go to war.[48] Also in Spain, as in Portugal, it was suggested that the respective rulers of both countries, Philip II and Dom Sebastian, should send an envoy to the vanquished usurper, Al Mutawakil, to form an alliance against ‘the Common Enemy’ and to recover ‘the kingdom of Fes for al-Mutawakil.’[49] In return for this the latter would pledge to supply the Iberian fortresses on Moroccan soil with food and wood and to grant them the right to cultivate lands around the fortifications.[50] Mulay Mohammad al Mutawakil had by now thrown his lot with the two powers; first asking Spain to invade his own country and restore him to the throne; but when Philip II, King of Spain, showed no interest in helping him, he went to Sebastian, the king of Portugal.[51] Mulay Mohammed asked for Sebastian’s support to fight his uncle and reclaim the throne.[52] Sebastian agreed on condition that al Mutawakil accepted Portuguese domination over the whole coastline of Morocco. Al Mutawakil accepted the condition and pledged to fulfil it.[53]
It was then that a large scale Portuguese invasion of Morocco began to be put into effect with most certainly Spanish support. Aware of the machinations, the Ottomans, according to contemporary Spanish sources, warned Spain to stay out of the project.[54]
Sebastian of Portugal went on with the project of invasion of Morocco. In order to give the whole enterprise further legitimacy, in February 1578, Sebastian announced:
Mohammed Mutawakil, true heir to “Fes, Marrakech, and Tarudant,” had joined him in Lisbon in a Hispano-Maghribi crusade to free Morocco from Ottoman tyranny.”[55]
Figure 12. Ancient royal stables in Meknes, Morocco (Source)
At the head of the possibly the mightiest army Portugal had ever mustered, Sebastian sailed south for the invasion and permanent conquest of Morocco. In the Portuguese army, there were considerable numbers of civilians expecting to become the future settlers of Morocco. These and the clergy apart, the army being assembled was impressive. Spain’s agent Cabretez counted 46,000 troops, 4,000 horse, 70 cannons, and supplies for six months.[56] So certain were the Portuguese of victory, the religious sermon to be read after victory was ready to be read by Father Fernao da Silva.[57] Like Sebastian, the Aventuros sailing with him believed that the campaign would be gay and glorious adventure, and it was said that each man’s baggage contained a guitar.[58]
On 4 August, 1578, there took place one of the major battles of world history, the battle of Wadi al Makhzen, or the battle of the Three kings. With a cry of ‘Bismillah!’ the Moroccan artillery master got off the first volley of cannon fire.[59] This salvo signalled the Moroccan horse arquebusiers to charge Christian flanks, other cavalry following them at a distance as Sebastian’s gunners returned fire with little damage.[60]
Figure 13. Morocco Fez Embroidery Horse Cover (Source)
In that illustrious battle, Sultan Abd el Malek, who was already terminally ill, and who had refused to rest himself, but instead decided to lead his men for the sake of his faith and country, died heroically in the midst of battle. He was aged thirty-five when he met his heroic death.[61] His refusal to spare himself, choosing instead to die fighting, had inspired his men to the last. The Moroccans realised their greatest victory in history, crushing the second most powerful Christian army at the time, saving their land, and beginning an era that was known as the Golden era of Morocco, after its king, Ahmed al Mansur (the brother of al Malek, known as al dhahabi)
Such was the impact of this battle throughout Europe, accounts of it were printed and widely distributed and it became, and long remained, a popular theme with contemporary writers of prose and verse.[62]
When the news of the Moroccan victory reached Istanbul, a witness tells us in a letter dated 2 November 1578, it was celebrated in great euphoria.[63]
In Morocco, itself, succeeding his brother, Abd al-Malek, was Ahmed, since the battle renamed al-Mansur. Modern historical narrative depicts Sultan Ahmed al-Mansur as one of the great 16th century monarchs, a man of the same autocratic genius as Philip II, Henry VIII, or Suleyman the Great.[64] According to al-Ufrani:
He was one of the greatest and most glorious of Sultans to ever rule in Fez. An Imam, valiant and tireless…. The Sultans of the Ottoman Turk state corresponded with him [i.e., treated him as an equal] as did kings of Christian nations like France and England.”[65]
Figure 14. Exterior view of clock of Bu ‘Inaniyya Madrasa (Source)
Dar al-Magana, Madrasa al-Bu’inaniya / Bou Anania / clock, Fez Souk Tala’a Kibeera, Fez, Morocco
Whatever his fame and accomplishments, Al-Mansur could never equal, let alone surpass the universal love and admiration people of all ranks, high or low, of all nationalities, and of all faiths, had for Abd al Malek. Of the greatest tributes to the man and his deeds was this one by the famed contemporary French essayist, Montaigne (1533-1592):
Muley Moloch (Abd al-Malek), King of Fez, who has lately won against Sebastian, King of Portugal, that battle made famous by the death of three Kings, and the transference of that great kingdom to the crown of Castile, happened to be seriously ill when the Portuguese invaded his state with an armed force; and he grew daily worse until his death, which he foresaw. Never did a man more strenuously and more gloriously use up his strength. He felt too weak to endure the pompous and ceremonious entry into his camp, which, according to their custom, is attended with much magnificence, and necessitates great activity. This honour he resigned to his brother, but it was the only function of a general that he resigned. All the other necessary and useful duties he carried out very rigorously and with much labour, his body reclining, but his understanding and courage upright and firm to the last gasp, and a little beyond.
Dying as he was, he had himself borne and hurried from place to place whither necessity called him, and, passing along the ranks, he encouraged his captains and men one after another. He strove with all his power to enter the fray…
What man ever lived so long and so far into death? What man ever died so erect?”
The highest degree, and the most natural, of bravely meeting death, is to look upon her not only without dismay, but unconcernedly, freely continuing one’s wonted course of life even into her very lap.”[66]
Figure 15. The Madrasa al-Bu’naniya in Fes was founded in 1356. It is widely acknowledged as a marvel of Marinid architecture. The madrasa functioned at the same time as both an educational institute and a congregational mosque at the same time. It is the only madrasa in Fes which has a minaret. Opposite the main doorway of the madrasa is the entrance to the dar al-wudu (ablutions house). Left and right of the central court are class rooms. (Source)
-T. Burckhardt: Fez City of Islam; The Islamic Text Society; Cambridge; 1992.
-H. De Castries: Les Sources Inedites de l’Histoire du Maroc de 1530 a 1845 (SIHM); Paris, Ernest Leroux; 1905.
-W.F. Cook: The Hundred Years War for Morocco; Westview Press; 1994.
-Dahiru Yahya: Morocco in the Sixteenth Century: Problems and Patterns in African Foreign Policy, Harlow, Essex, 1982.
-A. Djebbar: Mathematics in medieval Maghreb; AMUCHMA-Newsletter 15; Maputo (Mozambique), 15.9.1995.
-Bayard Dodge: Muslim Education in Medieval Times; The Middle East Institute, Washington D.C, 1962.
-J J O’Connor and E F Robertson: Arabic mathematics, a forgotten brilliance at:
https://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/history/HistTopics/Arabic_mathematics.html.
-Levi Provencal, Evariste, Comp. Nukhab Tarikhiya Jamia li Akhbar al-Maghrib al-Aqsa, Paris: La Rose, 1948.
-E. Levi Provencal: La Fondation de Fes; in Islam d’Occident; Librairie Orientale et Americaine; Paris; 1948; pp. 1-32.
-E.L. Provencal: entry: Al-Maghrib; in Encyclopaedia of Islam; New edition; Vol. 5; 1986; pp. 1208-9.
-G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Science; The Carnegie Institution; Washington; 1927; vol. 2; p. 998.
-M. Sibai: Mosque Libraries: An Historical Study: Mansell Publishing Limited: London and New York: 1987.
-R. Le Tourneau: Fes in the age of the Merinids, tr., from French by B.A. Clement, University of Oklahoma Press, 1961.
-Mohammed Esseghir Ibn al-Hajj Al-Oufrani (Ifrani): Nuzhat al-Hadi bi Akhbar li-Muluk al-Qarn al-Hädi; edited in Arabic and tr. Octave Houdas. Nuzhet-Al-Hadi: Histoire de La Dynastie Saadienne (1511-1670). Paris, Leroux, 1888-1889.
-L. Valensi: Fables de la Memoire; Editions du Seuil; Paris; 1992
Figure 16. (From right) Professor Assobhei Omar, President of Sidi Mohammed ben Abdullah university, Fez.presenting a painting of the old city of Fez to Professor Salim Al-Hassani. (Source)
[1] T. Burckhardt: Fez City of Islam; The Islamic Text Society; Cambridge; 1992; p. 73.
[2] E. Levi Provencal: La Fondation de Fes; in Islam d’Occident; Librairie Orientale et Americaine; Paris; 1948; pp. 1-32. pp.3-4.
[3] Ibid; 6-7.
[4] A. Djebbar: Mathematics in medieval Maghreb; AMUCHMA-Newsletter 15; Maputo (Mozambique), 15.9.1995.
[5] Bayard Dodge: Muslim Education in Medieval Times; The Middle East Institute, Washington D.C, 1962.
[6] R. Le Tourneau: Fes in the age of the Merinids, tr. from French by B.A. Clement, University of Oklahoma Press, 1961, p. 122.
[7] Ibid.
[8] M. Sibai: Mosque Libraries: An Historical Study: Mansell Publishing Limited: London and New York: 1987; p 55.
[9] Levi Provencal, Evariste, Comp. Nukhab Tarikhiya Jamia li Akhbar al-Maghrib al-Aqsa, Paris: La Rose, 1948; pp. 67-8.
[10] E.L. Provencal: entry: Al-Maghrib; in Encyclopaedia of Islam; New edition; Vol. 5; 1986; pp. 1208-9.
[11] B. Dodge: Muslim Education, op cit., p. 27.
[12] E. L. Provencal: entry: Al-Maghrib; op cit; pp. 1208-9.
[13] (Rawd al-Qirtas) in T. Burckhardt: Fez City of Islam; op cit; p. 73.
[14] Encyclopedia of Islam; vol iv, p. 633.
[15] Rom Landau, The Karaouine at Fes, The Muslim World 48 (April 1958): pp. 104-12; at p. 105.
[16] G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Science; The Carnegie Institution; Washington; 1927; vol. 2; p. 998.
[17] J J O’Connor and E F Robertson: Arabic mathematics, a forgotten brilliance at:
https://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/history/HistTopics/Arabic_mathematics.html
[18] Ibid.
[19] G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Science; op cit; p. 998.
[20] Al-Balagh and Djebbar, 1995b, in A Djebbar: Mathematics; op cit;.
[21] A. Djebbar: Mathematics.
[22] Al-Ballagh; Djebbar, 1995, b, in A Djebbar: Mathematics.
[23] A Djebbar: Mathematics.
[24] G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of science; op cit.; pp. 998-9.
[25] J J O’Connor and E F Robertson: Arabic mathematics; op cit.
[26] G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit.; p. 999.
[27] J J O’Connor and E F Robertson; op cit.
[28] G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit.; p. 999.
[29] For this battle see further notes and also:
[30] Mohammed Esseghir Ibn al-Hajj Al-ufrani (Ifrani): Nuzhat al-Hadi bi Akhbar li-Muluk al-Qarn al-Hädi. Edited in Arabic and tr. Octave Houdas. Nuzhet-Al-Hadi: Histoire de La Dynastie Saadienne (1511-1670). Paris: Leroux, 1888-1889; p. 110.
See also Anonymous: Tarikh al-Dawlah al-Sa’diya; tr., into Fr. G.S. Colin, Rabat, 1934.
[31] Ibid.
[32] Ibid.
[33] D. Yahya: Morocco in the 16th Century; Longman; London, 1981; p. 67.
[34] M. SeghirAl-Ufrani: Nuzhat al-hadi: op cit; p. 110.
[35] Al-Ufrani: Nuzhat al-Hadi... in Lt Colonel H. Dastugue: La Bataille d’Al-Kasr al-Kebir d’apres deux historiens Musulmans; in Revue Africaine; 1866; pp. 130-44; p. 133.
[36] Mss.Mar.esp. 1,3, pp. 286-7, 10 April 1577, Luis de Sandoval to Abd Al Malik; J.O. Asin: Vida de Don Felipe de Africa; Madrid-Granada 1955; p. 21.
[37] Ibid. Jaime Oliver Asin: Vida de Don Felipe de Africa; Madrid-Granada 1955, p.22, apud banos de Argel, real Academia Espanola, 1615; fol.8ir.
[38] Mss. Mar.Ang. 1,1; pp. 226-7; 11 June 1577. Edmund Hogan to Elizabeth.
[39] Anonymous: Tarikh, op cit, p. 52.
[40] D. Yahya: Morocco in the 16th Century; op cit; p. 73.
[41] Mss. Mar.Ang. 1,1, p. 204, March 1577; memorandum of Edmund Hogan. D. Yahya: Morocco in the 16th Century; op cit; p. 76.
[42] D. Yahya: Morocco in the 16th Century; op cit; p. 76.
[43] Mss. Mar.Ang. 1,1, p. 204.
[44] D. Yahya: Morocco in the 16th Century; op cit; p. 77.
[45] Ibid; p. 73.
[46] Ibid.
[47] Ibid; p. 74.
[48] E.W. Bovill: The Battle of Alcazar; The Bachworth Press; London; 1952; pp. 53-61.
[49] Mss.mar. Esp. 1,3, pp. 225-8; 20 April 1576, Duarte de Castro Branco to Philip II.
[50] D. Yahya: Morocco in the 16th Century; op cit; p. 68.
[51] A True Historicall discourse of Muley Hamets rising to the three Kingdomes of Moruecos, Fes, and Sus by Cottington, R., London, 1609, sig. A4r.
[52] Al-Uufrani: Nuzhat al-Hadi (Dastugue); op cit; p. 136.
[53] Al Ufrani, 136.
[54] Mss.Mar.Esp. 1,3, pp. 327-31, 9 Oct. 1527; D. Yahia: Morocco in the Sixteenth Century; op cit; p. 81.
[55] In W.F. Cook: The Hundred Years War for Morocco; Westview Press; 1994; p. 247.
[56] W. F. Cook: The Hundred Years; op cit; p. 247.
[57] In C. de Veronne: Sources Inedites de l’Histoire du Maroc (SIHM); 1961; p. 475.
[58] M.E. Brooks: A King for Portugal; The University of Wisconsin Press; 1964; p. 15.
[59] W.F. Cook: The Hundred Years War; op cit; p. 252.
[60] Most credit Sa’adian artillery with inflicting real casualties, but none speak well of Portuguese skill. Oxeda, “Comentario,” 605-607; Jewish doctor’s letter, SIHM-ANG-III, 316-317; Castilian letter, SIHM-ESP-III, 485.
[61] E.W. Bovill: The Battle of Alcazar; op cit; p. 133.
[62] For example:
[63] Letrre de De Juye to Simon Fizes; in H. De Castries: SIHM; op cit; France; I; p. 677.
[64] Some examples: E. Lévi-Provencal: “Ahmad al-Mansur,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. (Leiden: 1960), 1:287-288; The History of the Maghrib; Princeton University Press; New Jersey; 1977; 250-61.
[65] Al-Ufrani: Nuzhat al-Hädi; op cit; 140-308; al-Jannabi: Bahr az-Zakhkhar, op cit; 352-4.
[66] Montaigne: Muley Moloch’s Heroic Death; in The Essays of Montaigne; tr. E.J. Trechmann; Oxford University Press; 1935; vol 2; pp. 129-30.
Figure 17. Panorama of Fes (Source)
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