Madrid
Madrid is today a large city, the capital of Spain. Guichard refers to the Spanish historian Oliver Asin, to note that it was once just a small frontier town created at the time of the Umayyad in the second half of the ninth century.[1] "Madjrit" was the medieval name of the city of Madrid given to it by the Muslims. According to al-Himrayi, the hisn (fortress) of Madjrit was built by the Umayyad Amir of Cordova; Muhammad I; 852-86, whilst the historian M.A. Makki believes that its foundation may be dated between 866 and 871.[2] The description of Madjrit by al-Himrayi states that the place consists of a small town and an impregnable fortress, with a Friday mosque. [3] A curiosity related to the city's history is the discovery of the skeleton of a gigantic beast in the moat of the town and the extraordinary nature of the soil of Madrid, ideal for the manufacture of solid and durable cooking pots.[4] Another natural resource, which seems to have had its impact on local industry is cork oak. Glick points out to the fabrication of cork-soled shoes (which is one of our modern day fashions). The Andalusi Muslims fell heir to a number of oak-based industries developed by the Romans, including the making of cork-soled shoes. Under Islamic aegis, the technique was intensified and diversified, and the cork-soled shoe became universal in the country and a staple of the export trade. The Muslims made of the Romance corco (Latin, quercus) an Arabic root, q-r-q; the shoe was designated qurq (plural, aqraaq), which subsequently returned to Castilian in the form alcorque.[5] There were two known quarters of qarraain (CaraquaÃ?Ân) in Granada and another so named in an oak district near Madrid. Both the word and the technique diffused from al-Andalus across North Africa, where it was identified as an Andalusi technique. [6] Another Muslim legacy to the city was that they also, and vastly extended the use of qanats (gently sloping underground tunnels for irrigation purposes), building one system at Crevillente, most likely for agricultural use, and others, at Madrid for urban water supply.[7] The Madrid system is still in use to this day. [8] With regard to the scholars of the city, they have been studied by Oliver Asin, and so has the bibliographer Ibn Hayyan, who studied the governors of Madrid in the Ummayad period, most particularly the numerous members of the family of the Banu Salim, of Berber origin, firmly implanted in the central marches of al-Andalus and especially in the region of medinaceli (madinat Salim).[9] Madrid is today famed for one principal thing as far the history of Muslim civilisation is concerned, and this relates to the Escorial manuscript collection. The story of this collection has, however, the by now customary tragic story of Muslim civilisation, that is its destruction by the Catholic Church. Following their final re-conquest of Muslim territory, the Christians in Spain began to destroy Islamic books in a wholesale manner. [10] Spain was so stripped of Muslim books that when Philip II, in the sixteenth century, founded the Escorial library, he was unable to find many Arabic books in Spain. Some survived in Morocco, and gradually a collection was built up, though a seventeenth-century catalogue of the Escorial library, then the largest in Spain, showed only 4,000 Islamic titles, lone survivors of one of the worst holocausts of books in history.[11] Also related to the Muslim manuscripts kept in this library is a fact noted by Scott, that in paper making for ages known to the Chinese, the Muslims substituted linen, and finally cotton, for the silk which had been employed in China. Its introduction by the Spanish Muslims into Europe is indisputable, a manuscript of cotton paper dating from the eleventh century having been discovered in the library of the Escorial.[12] It was practically unknown in Europe until the fifteenth century, and was not manufactured in London before 1690. [13] Madrid did not produce many scholars, but amongst its sons is one of the most formidable scholars of Islam: Al-Majriti. The Great Scholar Al-Majriti: Maslama ibn Ahmad al-Majriti was born in Madrid, in the second half of the tenth century, and died in 1007.[14]He was, according to Holmyard, the most brilliant of a brilliant group of Spanish Muslims who flourished under Caliph Al-Hakam II (961-76).[15] He was the chief mathematician and astronomer of his time, and the lustre of his name was increased by his skill in the science of the division of inheritances.[16] Maslama, according to Sa'id al-Andalusi, was the best mathematician of his time, applying himself to the observation of the stars.[17]He brought al-Khwarizmi's astronomical tables (Zij) to the knowledge of the Christian West,[18] was a chemical experimenter, and the earliest Hispano-Muslim scientist of any importance, according to Sarton.[19] He also wrote treatises on commercial arithmetic (al-mutamalat) dealing with sales, cadaster, and taxes, using algebraic, geometrical and arithmetical operations.[20] He wrote a treatise on the astrolabe (which was to be eventually translated into Latin by Joan. Hispalensis); a commentary on Ptolemy's Planisphaerium translated by Rudolph of Bruges (q.v., first half of twelfth century); and);[21] a book on the generation of animals.[22]He was also the founder of an important school of Muslim-Spanish scholars.[23] One of the major contributions of Maslama is, that alongside another Muslim Andalusi scholar Ibn al-Saffar, he introduced new methods for surveying, hitherto unknown in Spain. Indeed, the practice of triangulation, unknown to the Romans, was introduced from the East in the astrolabic treatises of both Maslama and Ibn al-Saffaar.[24]It must be reminded that Maslama's treatise on the astrolabe was translated into Latin by John of Seville, but in the 12th century.[25] The Muslims earlier on used the astrolabe for surveying, something which can be found explained amongst other uses of the astrolabe.[26] This practice seems to have extended to the northern, Christian parts of Spain, in Catalonia much earlier than anywhere else in Western Christendom, Catalonia, and Ripoll, most particularly, it must be reminded, being the first place in Western Christendom to absorb Muslim scientific output.[27] Glick tells that generally, when astrolabic literature was translated into Latin, geodesic uses of the instrument were omitted and Christian surveying treatises on the whole remained within the Roman tradition, but not with the tenth-century Geometria incertiauctoris, which Millas Vallicrosa relates to the Arabized scientific corpus of the Monastery of Ripoll.[28] The Geometria details a variety of triangulation procedures that can be effected with the astrolabe, including the measuring of height and distance by right-angled triangles and squares; therefore, alongside Roman surveying procedures, simple triangulation was practiced with an alidade -- a rule with sights at either end -- in both Islamic and Christian Spain.[29] Simplified Roman procedures appear to have been used by individual farmers, while triangulation was associated with institutions that commanded the services of professional surveyors (such as the Monastery of Ripoll, which was acquiring huge donations of land during the tenth century).[30] In the course of repartimiento, parcel boundaries were simply measured with a cord (soga) along a straight boundary such as a road or canal (the basic Roman agrimensorial procedure).[31] But when the boundary was not clear, triangulation was resorted to. Large-scale or difficult surveys were carried out by specialists in land measurement (the muhandis in al-Andalus, the soguejador in eastern Spain) and in the surveying, more specialized, of irrigation canals.[32] Another of Maslama's enduring legacy to scholarship, including Western Christendom is in astronomy. Maslama made astronomical observations in about A.D. 979, and also revised the astronomical tables of al-Khwarizmi. [33] He edited them and corrected them, and adapted them to the era of the Hejra.[34] He also wrote a summary of al-Battani's ziij or astronomical tables.[35] Maslama became the vehicle not just for the study of al-Khwarizmi's tables, but also for the introduction of Muslim trigonometry into Western Christendom, chiefly the use of the sine and tangent functions.[36] In the first half of the twelfth century no less than three or four scholars were engaged in the undertaking: Adelard of Bath, Hermann the Dalmatian (?), Robert of Chester, and Plato of Tivoli.[37] Adelard translated in 1126 the tables of al-Khwarizmi as revised by Maslama. Another translation of the same tables is ascribed to Hermann. Robert of Chester's work was less a translation than an adaptation of the tables of al-Battani and al-Zarqali for the coordinates of London, 1149, and he also revised al-Khwarizmi's tables for the same position. He it was who introduced the Latin word sinus.[38] Parts of Maslama's revision of Al-Khwarizmi's tables concerning lunar motion were incorporated into a treatise by PedroAlfonso (apparently written in Arabic), which was translated into Latin around 1110 by Walcher of Malvern.[39] Maslama, most of all, is greatly reputed for his influential chemical writing. Two chemical writings, the "Sage's Step" (Rutbat al-hakim) and the "Aim of the Wise" (Ghayat al-hakim), are ascribed to him. [40] The second is well known in the Latin translation made in 1252 by order of King Alfonso under the title Picatrix; the original Arabic text dates probably from the middle of the eleventh century. [41] The Book The Sage's Step, has been written by Maslama of Madrid, in 1047-50.[42] Rutbat Al-Hakim (The Rank of the Wise), which amongst other things gives formulae and instructions for purification of precious metals.[43]It was collected and put together in the year 1009, two years after his death. In this work, Al-Majriti was also the first to prove the principle of conservation of mass, credited eight centuries later to the French Lavoisier.[44] In the book (The Sage's Step) one observation of particular interest to chemists as in it occurs the first definite description of a substance which was destined in the hands of priestly and Lavoisier, to play an historic role: mercuric oxide: `I took natural quivering mercury, free from impurity, and placed it in a glass vessel shaped like an egg. This I put inside another vessel like a cooking pot, and set the whole apparatus over an extremely gentle fire. The outer pot was then in such a degree of heat that I could bear my hand upon it. I heated the apparatus day and night for forty day, after which I opened it. I found that the mercury (the original weight of which was a quarter of a pound) had been completely converted into red powder, soft to touch, the weight remaining as it was originally.'[45] That no grain of weight was observed is not surprising as some of the mercury would have probably been lost by volatilisation, while the increase in weight of mercury on oxidation is only about 8%.[46] The fact, however, Holmyard notes, that the author attempted to carry out the experiment quantitatively is in itself important, as indicating that he paid attention to a fundamental chemical rule not universally observed until centuries later.[47] Finally, Maslama set up something extraordinary that was going to affect the whole manner scholarship was to be conveyed, that is by creating a whole school of scholars. This major breakthrough in scholarship is given a good deal of interest by Glick. The process of scientific interchange is predicated upon the emergence of concrete networks of scientific communication ("schools") within the various disciplines, Glick tells, and the earliest such network to appear was the group of astronomers and mathematicians associated with Maslama of Madrid.[48] The creation by Maslama of a "school" of astronomers constituted by his own disciples and their students marks the beginning of science as an organized activity in al-Andalus.[49]All of Maslama's students adopted his concerns and worked within the disciplinary framework that he established; all immersed themselves in the works of al-Khwarizmi; all commented on the uses of the Sindhind and the astrolabe.[50] The students of Maslama, as enumerated by Said al-Andalusi, and their students are enumerated in Figure 4 in Glick's work referred to here. All those for whom no other field is mentioned cultivated mathematics in the sense conveyed in al-Khwarizmi's or al-Farabi's classifications of the sciences, with astronomy subsumed within the rubric of mathematics. [51] Note the dispersion of members of the school to virtually every important Taifa capital, where they formed autonomous clusters interlinked by virtue of master-student relationships.[52] Al-Majriti's accomplishment, from this shortened outline illustrate through his role, and through the intermediary of the country he lived in, Spain, how the fundamentals of Muslim scholarship and science passed to the Christian West and were to have a decisive role in the rise of modern science and learning. Bibliography -F.B. Artz: The Mind of the Middle Ages; Third edition revised; The University of Chicago Press, 1980. -M.J. Rubiera de Epalza: Madjrit; in Encyclopaedia of Islam; new Series; Vol V; 1986; pp. 1107-9. -P. Guichard: Mise en valleur du sol et production: de la Revolution agricole au difficultes du bas moyen age; in Etats, Societes et Cultures du Monde Musulman Medieval; edited J.C. Garcin et al; Vol 2; Presses Universitaires de France; p.2000; pp. 175-98. -T. Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain in the early Middle Ages, Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1979. -W. Hartner, `The Principle and use of the astrolabe,' in W. Hartner, Oriens-Occidens, Hildesheim, 1968. -C.H. Haskins: Studies in the history of Mediaeval science; Frederick Ungar Publishing Co.; New York; 1967 ed. -E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; Oxford at the Clarendon Press; 1931; -M. A. Kettani: Science and Technology in Islam: The underlying value system, in Z. Sardar edt: The Touch of Midas; Science, values, and environment in Islam and the West; Manchester University Press, 1984, pp 66-90. -G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Sciences; in 3 vols; The Carnegie Institute; Washington; 1927. -S.P. Scott: History of the Moorish Empire; The Lippincoat Company; Philadelphia; 1904 -J.Vernet: Al-Madjriti; Encyclopaedia of Islam; vol 5; New series; 1986; pp. 1109-10.
[1] J.Oliver Asin, 1959, cited by P. Guichard: Mise en valleur du sol et production: de la Revolution agricole au difficultes du bas moyen age; in Etats, Societes et Cultures du Monde Musulman Medieval; edited J.C. Garcin et al; Vol 2; Presses Universitaires de France; p.2000; pp. 175-98. p.181. [2] M.J. Rubiera de Epalza: Madjrit; in Encyclopaedia of Islam; new Series; Vol V; 1986; pp. 1107-9; at p. 1107. [3] M.J. Rubiera de Epalza: Madjrit; p. 1107. [4] M.J. Rubiera de Epalza: Madjrit; p. 1107. [5]T. Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain in the early Middle Ages, Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1979. p. 229. [6] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 229. [7] T. Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain; p. 226. [8] M.J. Rubiera de Epalza: Madjrit; op cit; p. 1107. [9] M.J. Rubiera de Epalza: Madjrit; p. 1109. [10] F.B. Artz: The Mind of the Middle Ages; Third edition revised; The University of Chicago Press, 1980.pp. 152-3: [11] F.B. Artz: The Mind of the Middle Ages; pp. 152-3: [12] S.P. Scott: History of the Moorish Empire; The Lippincoat Cmpany; Philadelphia; 1904; vol 3; p. [13] S.P. Scott: History; op cit; vol 3; p. [14] J.Vernet: Al-Madjriti; Encyclopaedia of Islam; vol 5; New series; 1986; pp. 1109-10. [15] E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; Oxford at the Clarendon Press; 1931; p. 77. [16] E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; p. 77. [17] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [18] The astronomical tables of al- Khwarizmi edited by him were translated into Latin by Adelard of Bath (first half of the twelfth century). [19]G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Sciences; in 3 vols; The Carnegie Institute; Washington; 1927; vol I; p. 668. [20] J.Vernet: Al-Madjriti; op cit; pp. 1109-10. [21] Texts and Rudolph's translation was printed in Bale, 1536 and Venice, 1558: Sphaerae atque astrorum coelestium ratio, natura et motus; ad totius mundi fabricationis cognitionem fundamenta. [22] Sarton I p. 668. [23] For more on Maslama: see F. Wustenfeld: Geschichte der arabischen Aerzte (61, 1840). L. Leclerc: La Medecine arabe; 1876; vol. 1, p.422. [24] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 228. [25] See G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit; vol 2 for translations of Muslim scientific works. [26] W. Hartner, `The Principle and use of the astrolabe,' in W. Hartner, Oriens-Occidens, Hildesheim, 1968, pp. 287-318. [27] See, for instance, C.H. Haskins: Studies in the history of Mediaeval science; Frederick Ungar Publishing Co.; New York; 1967 ed. [28] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 228. [29] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [30] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [31] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [32] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [33] J.Vernet: Al-Madjriti; op cit; pp. 1109-10. [34]G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit; I; p. 668. [35] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [36] G. Sarton: Introduction; vol 2; p.125. [37] G. Sarton: Introduction; Vol II, op cit; p.11. [38] G. Sarton: Introduction; Vol II, op cit; p.11. [39] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [40] G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit; vol I; p. 668. [41] Sarton I p. 668. [42] E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; op cit; p. 77. [43]M. A. Kettani: Science and Technology in Islam: The underlying value system, in Z. Sardar edt: The Touch of Midas; Science, values, and environment in Islam and the West; Manchester University Press, 1984, pp 66-90. p. 79. [44] M. Ali Kettani: Science, op cit, p. 79. [45] E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; op cit; pp. 78-9. [46] E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; pp. 78-9. [47] E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; pp. 78-9. [48] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [49] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [50] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [51] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255. [52] T. Glick: Islamic; op cit; p. 255.
by: FSTC Ltd, Mon 23 August, 2004
 
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