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Among the notable scholars of Kairouan, Abū Muhammad ‘Abd Allāh b. Abī Zayd ‘Abd al-Rahmān al-Qayrawānī (310-86/922-96) was the head of the Mālikī school of Kairouan. He has been called "Mālik the Younger", in reference to Malik ibn Anas, the founder and leader of the Maliki school of Islamic law (fiqh). With al-Abharī, Ibn abi Zayd al-Qayrawani ranks among the chief exponents of Mālikism.

He came of a family from Nafzawa and studied at Kairouan, his birthplace, where his knowledge, his literary gifts, his piety and his wealth very soon earned him considerable prestige throughout the Muslim world. He came under the influence of Ash'arism, which had a large following in Kairouan at that time, and also that of mysticism, against whose excesses, and especially that of miracle-working, he fought. By teaching, delivering innumerable fatwās and editing numerous works, he set in order, systematized and above all spread Mālikism among the people, and the triumph of Mālikism, made final by the rupture between the Zīrids and the Fātimids under Al-Mu'izz b. Bādīs, is due primarily to his activities and to those of his emulators and disciples, the most prominent of whom in continuing his work was Al-Qābisī.

Several works of Al-Qayrawani are extant, such as al-'Aqīda aw jumla mukhtasara min wājib umūr al-diyāna, a summary of Islamic dogma and liturgy, a poem (qasīda) on the resurrection (MS Paris, Bibl. Nat. no. 5675), a poem in honour of the Prophet (MS Brit. Mus. no. 1617), a collection of traditions (MS Brit. Mus. ii, 888). But the most famous of his works is the Risāla, which he composed in 327/938. This synopsis of Mālikism was the counterpart of the Da'ā'im al-Islām of the famous Qādī Abū Hanīfa al-Nu'mān. It has been from that time been the subject of continual study and commentary [57].


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Figure 6a-b: Photographs of the Aghlabid basins or cisterns on the edge of Kairouan: (a) early 20th century (Source) and (b) present day photograph (Source 1 – Source 2). The two Aghlabid basins were constructed between 859 and 863 CE. They are 950 m from the ‘Door of Tunis' (Bab Tunus) and extend over an area of 11000m2. Abu Ibrahim Ahmed Ibn Al-Aghlab (856-863 CE) completed the most famous of these facilities. See The Aghlabid Basins.

However, the main work of Ibn abi Zayd, and the summation of his knowledge, was the Kitāb al-Nawādir wa ‘l-ziyādāt ‘ala ‘l-Mudawwana, an epitome of Mālikī fiqh of great interest. His own abridgement of it is Mukhtasar of the Mudawwana which was highly esteemed [58].

Under the Aghlabids, Kairouan came to the forefront in respect of one of the great institutions of the Islamic society, the hospital. Prince Ziyadat Allah I (817-838) built a hospital in the city in 830, one of the pioneers of its type, called the ad-Dimnah hospital, being built in the ad-Dimnah quarter near the great mosque of Kairouan. Consequently other hospitals which were erected thereafter in Tunisia were likewise called ad-Dimnah. The construction of ad-Dimnah in Kairouan was simple but adequate and the halls were well organized to include waiting rooms for visitors, a mosque for prayers and teaching, and a bath [59].

The halls were well organised indicating waiting rooms for the visitors, and a sign of a great breakthrough, for the first time female nurses, from the Sudan, were used in the hospital [60]. In addition to regular physicians who attended the sick, there were the Fuqaha al-Badan, a group of imams who practised medicine as well, a token of the early scholastic movement especially in the peripheral states of the Islamic world [61]. Their medical services included bloodletting, bone setting, and cauterisation [62]. Another great sign of innovation, at a time when elsewhere leprosy was deemed a sign of evil, was the building a special ward for the lepers, dar al-judhama in Kairouan near the hospital itself [63].

Just like other hospitals in Tunisia, the hospital was supported from the state treasury by the rulers of the various dynasties and by other rich people who gave generously to boost hospital income so that the best care could be provided [64].

The combination of the city's intellectual abilities, the enlightened spirit of its Aghlabid rulers, and the leading place given to the study of medicine in Kairouan had a lasting effect on the field of medical learning. Several Kairourani scholars specialised in medicine, such Ishaq Ibn ‘Imran at the court of Ziyadat Allah I and II, also Ishaq ibn Suleiman at the court of Ziyadat Allah III [65]. The latter had his seven works translated by Constantine the African and these were published at Leiden in 1515 under the title Opera Isaci [66]. This is only one part of Constantine's contribution, for his translation included much more than this, and was to revolutionise the whole of learning in the West because of the medical learning of Kairouan he took with him to Europe.

Constantine the African, known in Latin as Constantinus Africanus, was born in Carthage (Tunisia) in 1065 and he died at Monte Casino (Italy) in 1085. He is among the first figures to have transmitted Muslim learning to Europe. He is behind the flourishing of the city of Salerno, where he travelled taking with him works and skills he acquired from Kairouan.

Soon after Constantine's translations, Salerno became the first major centre of learning in Europe; its medical school the inspiration for the development of university learning. Constantine's translations included a partial translation of the Kitab al-Maliki (the Pantegni) of Ali al-Majusi. He also translated several other works by the doctors of Kairouan on diets, the stomach, melancholy, forgetfulness and sexual intercourse, such as Al-Maqala fi ‘l malikhuliya (De melancholia) of Ishaq Ibn Imran (d. before 907), Kitab al-bawl (De urines), Kitab al-humayyat (De febrilus) and Kitab al-Aghdiya (De dietis) all of Ishaq al-Israili (d. 995), and Kitab I'timad al-adwiya al-mufrada (De Gradibus) of Ibn al-Jazzar (d. 1004) [67].

Constantine also translated the same authoris famous work Zad al-musafir (or the Guide for the traveller going to distant countries), which is the most accessible introduction to pathology, translated into Latin as the Viaticum. This Latin version exerted a considerable impact in the West [68]. Other texts on the stomach, forgetfulness, sexual intercourse, also translated by Constantine, could also be attributed to Ibn al-Jazzar [69]. Eight of his translations are included in the Opera Isaaci (published in Lyon in 1515), whilst a collected edition of his works appeared in Basel in two volumes (1536-39) [70]. Charles Singer has given a good account on how Constantine brought the art of Medicine to the West [71]. But Constantine was not alone; his translation work was continued by his pupil, Joannes Afflacious, himself also of Muslim origin. Born about 1040 and died in or after 1103, he is also known as Joannes Saracenus (John the Saracen) [72]. He was physician from Salerno, disciple of Constantine, author of treatises on urology and on fevers, in the best tradition of the Kairouan doctors, and he also completed the translation of the surgical part of Ali ibn ‘Abbas Al-Majusi's Liber Regalis began by Constantine [73].

Constantine was aware of the debt he owed to Kairouan's doctors and he valued highly their worth. About the treatise on urine by Ishaq Ibn Suleyman, he said: "having found no work which gave good and reliable information on this subject, I sought in works written Arabic, where I found some excellent information, which I have translated into Latin [74]."

On the work on fevers by the same author, Constantine wrote: "Affected by your tears, oh my son John, I Constantine, have not refused to write after all I saw and knew that is useful in medicine. I have translated this work from Arabic [75]."

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Figure 7: The colophon of the manuscript of Tibb al-fuqarā' wa-'l-masākīn (Medicine for the poor and destitute) by Ibn al-Jazzār dated of 8 Rabi' I 1058 (2 April 1648). MS A 92, item 1 in US National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, Maryland. (Source).

The treatise on the stomach is dedicated to Alfanus, the Archbishop of Salerno Alfanus, who often complained to Constantine about his stomach troubles. Constantine is surprised not to have found anything on the matter in the works of Greeks. He says he derived his own work from the elegant conclusions reached by the diverse authors of Kairouan [76].

However, the work of Ibn al-Jazzar, known in Latin as Algizar, gives a better idea of the sort of medical learning available at Kairouan and which was transmitted to medieval Europe, where his writings earned him great fame and made him very influential. Abu Ja'far Ahmad ibn Ibrahim ibn abi Khalid Ibn al-Jazzar flourished in Kairouan and died in 1009 [77]. As part of his medical practice, he received and examined his patients during the hours of consultation. His servant Rashiq would then administer to them the required medicine, free of charge [78]. When he died, Ibn al-Jazzar left 24,000 dinars and twenty five quintars (one quintar= 45 kgs) weight of books on medicine and other subjects [79].

Of his many writings, the most important, because of its enormous popularity, was his "Traveller's Provision" (Zad al-musafir) which was translated into Latin by Constantinus Africanus as Viaticum peregrinantis, into Greek by Synesios and into Hebrew as Zedat al-derachim [80].

Ibn al-Jazar also wrote on the coryza and on the causes of the plague in Egypt. Details on his works can be found in a number of works other than those cited here [81]. The best survey of Ibn al-Jazzar's work remains that by F. Sezgin [82]. Just as with the bulk of Islamic scientific manuscripts, most of the works by Ibn al-Jazzar remain unpublished to this day. One such work was thought to have been lost until discovered by Dunlop in a unique manuscript in Lisbon [83].

Zad al-musafir, Ibn al-Jazzar's most important work, contains remarkable descriptions of smallpox and measles. The title apparently refers to recipes of a guide for the traveller, but the contents of the book present rather a systematic and comprehensive medical work [84]. The treatise consists of seven books, which discuss the different diseases and their treatment from head to toe. Though comprehensive, the style is concise so that it can be taken on a journey and consulted if no physician is available. The work is still voluminous, covering 303 folios [85]. At the beginning of the 11^th century it had already been translated into Greek, and widely distributed [86]. It was also repeatedly translated into Hebrew and into Latin as previously mentioned, and was commented upon by the doctors of Salerno, this work being one of the most influential in Europe [87]. Being accepted into the so-called Articella or Ars medicinae, a compendium of medical textbooks, it was widely used in medical schools and universities at Salerno, Montpellier, Bologna, Paris and Oxford [88].

One of the afflictions Ibn Al-Jazzar deals with is forgetfulness. Noting how forgetfulness is prevalent among old people in cold and moist countries, he endeavoured to devote a specific treatment to it in Zad al-musafir. For Ibn al-Jazzar, a good memory indicates a solid and balanced substance of the posterior part of the brain. Much forgetfulness, however, little understanding, slowness of mind, and much carelessness indicate that its substance is not solid [89]. In the same work, Ibn al-Jazzar states that superfluous cold moisture dominating the posterior part of the brain causes so much forgetfulness that someone suffering from it will not remember what has been told him recently, will yawn very much and neglect his interests [90].

Ibn al-Jazzar's treatise on women's diseases and their treatment is worthy of greater interest, being a subject little known about [91]. The section on women's diseases was the major source for one of the Tortula treatises on gynaecology produced in Salerno in the 12th century, namely the Cum Auctor [92]. These women's diseases are discussed in chapters 9 to 18 of the sixth book of Zad al-musafir. According to Ibn al-Jazzar, menstruation plays a central role in maintaining women's health and in causing women's diseases; he therefore discusses this topic first. Some Western medical treatises such as the Lilium medicinae of Bernard of Gordon (fl. 1283-1308) follow a similar pattern to Ibn al-Jazzar, starting their discussion of women's diseases with the subject of menstrual retention [93].

In Chapter 10, Ibn al-Jazzar discusses an excessive blood loss occurring to women (Hypermenorhoea). He concludes this chapter by prescribing a variety of decoctions, electuaries, pills, pessaries, suppositories and powders [94]. In Chapter 12, he discusses the occurrence of tumours in the uterus, whilst in chapter 13 he discusses the occurrences of ulcers in the same part and their treatment. His treatments touch upon the problem of the examination and treatment of the patient, an issue which has also been debated by Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Hanbal, the prevailing idea being that the physician should only take an active part in the treatment of women's diseases when it is impossible for the midwife alone to do so, as for instance, in the case of some operations [95].

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Figure 8: Front cover of Ibn al-Jazzar et l'école médicale de Kairouan by Sleim Ammar (Tunis, Auto-Editions, 1990, reprinted 1994).

In Chapter 15, Ibn al-Jazzar discusses the regimen which is good for pregnant women, he suggests some general rules to prevent the pregnant woman from getting upset during this phase, and he suggests ointments and poultices to be applied in order to strengthen the connection of the foetus with the uterus, and for the end of pregnancy, he recommends bathing, ointments and relaxing food [96].

It is this medical heritage which was passed on to the West by Constantine the African via Salerno, who transmitted this legacy soon after the high civilisation of Tunisia in general, and that of Kairouan in particular, suffered its demise.

The expeditions of the Banu Hilal in the Maghrib in the 11^th century had a major influence on the peaceful history of Kairouan.

Banu Hilal were a confederation of Bedouin tribes that migrated from Upper Egypt into North Africa in the 11th century, having been sent by the Fatimids to punish the Zirids for abandoning Shiism. Other authors suggest that the tribes left the grasslands on the upper Nile because of environmental degradation accompanying the Medieval Warm Period [97]. The Banu Hilal quickly defeated the Zirids and seriously weakened the neighboring Hammadids in Tunisia and Algeria. Their influx was a major factor in the linguistic and cultural Arabization of the Maghreb.


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Figure 9a-b: Two views of a 13^th-century manuscript of the Viaticum peregrinorum (National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, collection De Ricci, MS M12.) This is the Latin translation by Constantine the African of Ibn al-Jazzar's Kitab Zad al-musafir wa-qut al-hadir. The Viaticum was printed in 1510 in Lyon as Breviarum Constantini dietum Viaticum, and has been reprinted many times since then. (Source).

Ibn Khaldun classified the Banu Hilal expeditions as invasions and judged them severely, as he deemed them enormously destructive. He noted that the lands ravaged by Banu Hilal invaders had become completely arid desert. He even paralleled the destructions inflicted by Banu Hilal in the Maghrib with those later caused by the Mongols in Western Asia. Ibn Khaldun used archeological evidence (the ruins that covered the region) to show that the Maghrib had had a populous and flourishing civilization before the Banu Hilal raid [98].

Some historical sources attest that the Fatimid Caliph said to the Banu Hilal tribes in Egypt on the eve of their raids: "I give you the Maghrib with all its riches." And to emphasize his word, he gave each warrior who crossed the western frontier of Egypt a dinar and a cloth of honour [99]. This spelled ruin and devastation for Ifriqya. In wave after wave, the warriors followed by their families and herds, swept over the Cyrenaica and Tripolitania into southern Tunisia, drawing others behind them, pilfering, burning, and destroying everything on their way [100]. The invaders spread havoc, towns and cities were burnt down; the whole of Ifriqya now was turned from its prosperous condition into a vast empty and arid zone, land fit only for herds, nomads, and shepherds [101].

The Hilâli invasions of the mid-11th century ended Tunisia's role as an entrepôt. Andalusi families doing business there transferred their operations eastwards [102]. The Banu Hilal entered Kairouan and wrought the most frightful havoc on it in 1057 [103]. Ibn Khaldun tells: "They destroyed all the beauty and all the splendour of the monuments of Kairouan. Nothing that the Sanhadji princes had left in their palaces escaped the greed of the brigands. All that there was in the town was carried off or destroyed [104]." Kairouan, residence of the caliph's governors, the spiritual and intellectual metropolis of the Muslim West in the days of the Aghlabids and the Zirids, was thoroughly devastated by the Banu Hilal. The population was scattered in all directions, some went to Egypt, others to Sicily and Spain; a considerable body to Fes [105].

The capital of Ifriqya never recovered from this disaster. Writing in the 16th century, Leo Africanus, who visited Kairouan in 1516, tells: "The inhabitants are at present all poor artisans, of whom some are curriers of the skins of sheep and goats, the others furriers whose handiwork is sold in the cities of Numidia, where no European cloth is to be had. But all of these traders, there is none who is able to make a good livelihood and those who follow them live a miserable existence and are in very great poverty [106]."

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Figure 10: Frontispiece of a medieval manuscript showing Constantine the African lecturing to the school. From De Conservanda Bona Valetudine opusculum Scholae Salernitanae… (Francofurti, Apud Christianum Egenolphum, 1545). The book is a collection of medical recipes and advices known usually as Regimen sanitatis Salernitanum (The Health Rules of Salerno), a booklet containing the essential principles of the Salerno medical school. (Source).

Like a sort of obituary, the road to decline is well traced by Fontaine and Gresser, who tell how from a camp founded by ‘Uqba ibn Nafi', to become the centre of the spread of Islam westward, then the capital of the governors of Ifriqyia, then the zenith of its glory and history under the Aghlabids, just to begin its phase of decline under the Fatimids, before the Banu Hilal dealt it the mortal blow [107]. Talbi gives an even more vivid account of Kairouan's decline:

"On the eve of the Banu Hilal invasion, Kairouan had already lost much of its brilliance of Aghlabid times, the Banu Hilal invasion was the coup de grace, which ended its brilliant history. On the first day of Ramadhan of 1057, they began their destruction and devastation. This half of the century symbolised not just the end of Kairouan, but also the end of the whole brilliance of the Maghrib. It was the end of a prestigious period of civilisation. Urban life and urbanity retreated in front of the advance of the nomadic hordes, the Bedouinisation of the country spread down to the 19^th century. In this era of decadence, Kairouan, once a great metropolis, turned into a miserable town lost in the steppes. Deserted by the major part of its population, it continued to shrink. Ten years after the Banu Hilal invasion, only a crumbling wall surrounded the Great Mosque, and whatever was left of the quarters to the west of the city. When al-Idrisi wrote in the middle of the 12^th century, that is just prior to the arrival of the Almohads, Kairouan was only ruins, only subsiding walls of earth, in the hand of tribes who severely taxed an already impoverished population [108]."

Once Kairouan was destroyed, the organisation of government was dislocated; the authority of the Zirid emir was reduced to al-Mahdiya and the narrow coastal strip, whereas the rest of the country is split into numerous city states under continuously changing local chieftains [109]. After the Banu Hilal devastation, despite signs of renewal in following centuries, the city never recovered its illustrious Aghlabid past.

[57] The Risala was published several times in Cairo, notably in 1323; text and partial English translation by A. D. Russell and Abdullah al-Mamun Suhrawardy, First steps in Muslim jurisprudence, London 1906; French translation by E. Fagnan, Paris 1914; Arabic text and French translation by L. Bercher, Algiers 1945, 1948, 1949.

[58] H.R. Idris, Idris, H.R. "Ibn Abī Zayd al- ?ayrawānī", Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, online version, Brill, 2010; print version: vol. 3, p. 695; Ibn Nājī, Ma'ālim al-īmān, Tunis 1320, vol. 3, pp. 135-52; H. R. Idris, Deux juristes kairouanais de l'époque zīrīde: Ibn Abī Zayd et al-Qābisī, in Annales de l'Institut des Etudes Orientales d'Alger, 1954, pp. 121-98; idem, La Berbérie Orientale sous les Zīrīdes, 2 vols., Paris 1962.

[59] S. Hamarneh, Health Sciences in Early Islam, Noor Foundation and Zahra Publications, Texas, 1983, p. 102.

[60] M. I. H. I. Surty, Muslim Contribution to the Development of Hospitals, Quranic Arabic Foundation, Birmingham, 1996, p. 66.

[63] Hassan Abd al-Wahab, "Al-Tib al-'arabi fi Ifriqiya", Al-Fikr; 1985; vol 3; no 10; pp. 907-16.

[67] F. Micheau, "La Transmisison à l'Occident Chrétien: Les traductions médiévales de l'Arabe au Latiné; in Etats, Sociétés et Cultures, edited by J. C. Garcin et al., vol. 2: Etats, Sociétés et Cultures du monde musulman médiéval, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 2000, pp. 399-420; p. 404.

[70] G. Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science, The Carnegie Institute, Washington, 1927, vol. 1, p. 769.

[71] Charles Singer, "A Legend of Salerno: How Constantine Brought the Art of Medicine to the Christians", Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin, vol. 28, 1917, pp. 64-9.

[74] N. L. Leclerc, Histoire de la médecine arabe, 2 vols., Paris, 1876; vol. 2, p. 363.

[78] G. Bos, "Ibn al-Jazzar on Women's Diseases and their Treatment", Medical History, vol. 37, 1993, pp. 296-312 (online here); p. 296.

[81] F. Wustenfeld, Geschichte der arabischen Aerzte und Naturforscher, Göttingen, 1840; Th.Puschmann, Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, 2 vols., Max Neuburger und Julius Pagel (Herausgeber), Verlag von Gustav Fischer, Jena, 1902-03; M. Steinschneider, Die europäischen Übersetzungen aus dem Arabischen bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts, Abhandlungen der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, (149), Wien 1904.

[82] F. Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schriftums, vol. 3: Medizin-Pharmazie-Zoologie, Leiden, Brill, 1970, pp. 304-7. See also G. Bos, "Ibn al-Gazzar's Risala fi an-nisyan and Constantine's Liber de Oblivione", in Constantine the African and Ali Ibn Abbas al-Majusi, edited by C. Burnett and D. Jacqart, Leiden, 1994, pp. 203-37; p. 203.

[83] D. M. Dunlop, "The Arabic Manuscripts of the Academia das Ciencias de Lisboa", Actas del primer congreso de estudios arabes e islamicos (Cordoba, 1962), Madrid, 1964, p. 287.

[85] Zad al-Musafir comprises an introduction and 20 chapters, divided into sections dealing with the sexual ailments of men (chapters 1-8) and women (chapters 9-18), as well as sciatica (chapter 19) and gout (chapter 20). The available extant manuscripts of Zad al-Musafir are held in Berlin, Dresden, Oxford's Bodleian Library, Huntington, Teheran-Malik, Copenhagen, Paris, London, The Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, and the Tarim al-Ahqaf Library. See Ibn al-Jazzar on Sexual Diseases and their Treatment, translated and edited by Gerrit Bos, London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1997.

[86] See C. Daremberg, "Recherches sur un ouvrage qui a pour titre Zad al-Mucafir en arabe, Ephodes en grec, Viatique en latin, et qui est attribué, dans les textes arabes et grecs, à Abou Djafar, et, dans le texte latin, à Constantin", Archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires, vol. 2, 1851, pp. 490-527.

[88] H. Schipperges, Die Arabische Medizin im lateinischen Mittelalater, Springer Verlag, 1976, pp. 106-8.

[89] Gerrit Bos, "Ibn al-Gazzar's Risala fi an-nisyan and Constantine's Liber de Oblivione", op. cit., p. 208.

[91] Gerrit Bos devoted several works to this book. Besides his excellent article quoted above ("Ibn al-Jazzar on Women's Diseases", op. cit), see also his recent book Ibn Al-Jazzar on Sexual Diseases and Their Treatment: A Critical Edition of Zad Al-Musafir Wa-Qut Al-Hadir: Provisions for the Traveller and Nourishment for the Sedentary (Islamic Philosophy, Theology & Science), London, Kegan Paul, 1997, paperback. This publication is a critical edition and translation of the sixth book of Ibn al-Jazzar's Zad al-musafir dealing with sexual diseases affecting men and women, and is of major importance in studies on the history of sexuality.

[92] This has been shown by M. H. Geen in her pioneering study The Transmission of Ancient Theories of Female Physiology and Disease through the Early Middle Ages, PhD thesis, Princeton University, 1985, pp. 278-90.

[96] Ibid, p. 308. On the work of Ibn al-Jazzar, see Ahmed Ben Miled, Ibn Al Jazzar et Constantin l'Africain (Salambo editions, Tunis, 1987) and Histoire de la médecine arabe en Tunisie, Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, Beirut, 1999.

[97] For these two hypotheses, see respectively Bernard G. Weiss & Arnold H. Green, A Survey of Arab History? American University in Cairo Press, Cairo, 1987, p. 129; and Jean-Louis Ballais, "Conquests and land degradation in the eastern Maghreb", in Barker, Graeme and Gilbertson, David (2000) The Archaeology of Drylands: Living at the Margin Routledge, London, 2000, vol. 1, pp. 125-136; p. 134.

[104] Ibn Khaldoun, Histoire des Berbères et des dynasties musulmanes de l'Afrique septentrionale, French translation by William MacGuckin Slane, vol. 1, Imprimerie du Gouvernement, Alger, 1852, p. 37.

[105] Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi, Al-Mu'jib fi tarikh akhbar al-Maghrib, edited by R. Dozy, vol. 2, p. 259.

*The original article was produced by Salah Zaimeche and Lamaan Ball and Salim Al-Hassani. The members of the new FSTC Research Team have re-edited and revised this new version. The team now comprises of Mohammed Abattouy, Salim Al-Hassani, Mohammed El-Gomati, Salim Ayduz, Savas Konur, Cem Nizamoglu, Anne-Maria Brennan, Maurice Coles, Ian Fenn, Amar Nazir and Margaret Morris.

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