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Figure 7: Head- physician Gevrekzâde Hasan Efendi as represented by Ord. Prof. Dr. Süheyl Ünver.

Jews were well known in the field of medicine because they were polyglots. The 16th century traveller Nicolas de Nicolay assumes that the superiority of Jewish physicians to the physicians of the other nationalities was due to the fact that they utilized books written in Hebraic, Arabic, and Greek, and that they knew the European languages (Latin, Italian and Spanish) [74].

During the reign of the Ottoman Turks, the centre of the scientific world had moved from the Muslim countries to Europe. It is argued that the first important contact of the Ottomans with European medicine took place between the late 14th and the 17th centuries through the Jewish physicians, exiled from France, Germany and especially Spain, who took refuge in the Ottoman domain and were supposed to have brought their knowledge and books with them. According to some writers, the Jews transferred the developing European medical knowledge to the Ottoman physicians, while others claim that they were not able to introduce their knowledge to the Ottomans sufficiently because of the bureaucratic hierarchy. When the language problem in this transfer process is considered and the Spanish medical books of the time are studied, we perceive that both approaches are credible [75]. For example, concerning the Spanish medical books dating from the last quarter of the 15th century onwards, as they are listed in the Bibliographia Medica Hispanica, we learn that most of the books of the period between 1475-1600 are translations and commentaries of Hippocrates, Galen and Dioscorides, who were authorities the Ottoman physicians were already familiar with. The books and information that attract our attention are those dealing with infectious diseases which did not exist in Ottoman medical literature [76]. However, when we study them carefully, we can see that the books of the period dealing with infectious diseases were also based on the former medical knowledge. One of the renown scholars and master physicians of Spain, the Jewish Ilyas's (Abdüsselâm el-Muhtedî, he was alive in 1512) dissertation Micenne el-Ta'ûn ve'l-Vebâ, written in Arabic and presented to Bayezit II, was based on quotations from authorities such as Hippocrates, Galen and Ibn Sina and discussions on the humoral therapy (humours, spirits, powers, vapors etc.), besides notes about the drugs used and assumed to be theraeupetic, which were defined as "mücerreb" along the tradition which we mentioned above [77]. However, among the Spanish medical books we mentioned there are works of well known physicians of the l4th and 15th centuries, such as Guy de Chauliac (1300-70), the drawings of the anatomists like Vesalius (1514-64) and Fallopius (l523-62). These books introduced new knowledge in the mid 17th century (l647) [78]. We should take into consideration that the medical Renaissance progressed during the 16th century and the spread of the new knowledge was realized in the following centuries; but in the course of time, the Ottoman Jewish physicians' connections with Europe had slowed down [79].

With a few exceptions, we do not have enough information to evaluate the extent of the medical knowledge of the immigrant Jewish physicians in the Ottoman territory [80]. Even if we assume that the Jewish physicians immigrating to the Ottoman domain had extensive knowledge and practical training, I believe that the handicap that hindered the transfer of knowledge was also a linguistic problem. For this reason, it is not surprising to see that the knowledge of European medicine reflected in a few books written in Ottoman Turkish only took place a hundred years after the contact with Jewish physicians. It was not possible for the Jewish immigrants, who did not know Ottoman Turkish, to communicate with Ottoman physicians, most of whom did not know enough of any European language or Latin, in order to be able to transfer new knowledge and translate completely and correctly. For example, except in a few texts in which are recorded some new prescriptions and drugs for treating some previously unknown or untreated infectious disease such as syphilis (although it is hard to decide whether they were real contributions to medicine or not), the most important of the few works compiled by Jewish physicians worth mentioning were authored by the Jewish physician Mûsâ bin Hâmon (died in 1554), who had come to Istanbul at the age of three years. This Turkish work, which disappeared soon after its publication in 1977, is a treatise quoting information on old medicine too, dealing not only with dental diseases, but noting the degree of the hotness, coldness, dryness and wetness of drugs and the amount to be prescribed [81]. We should keep in mind that the knowledge and works of Jewish physicians were not unrelated to the Islamic medical tradition on which Ottoman medicine was also based. One or two diseases and methods of treatment of which the Ottoman physicians were not informed did not reflect the Renaissance attitude developing in European medicine. [82]

At the beginning of the 17th century, the number of the members of the Jewish Society of Physicians (Cemaat-i Etibba-yi Yahudiyan) in the Ottoman Court reached 63 members [83]. Even though we may assume that the drawings of anatomy in Semseddin Itaki's illustrated book of anatomy, Risâle-i Tesrîh-i Ebdân (1631-2), quoted from the European anatomists were introduced as a result of the contact with "Jewish physicians who were acquainted with modern anatomy", except for a few examples the knowledge and descriptions in the text are a continuation of Galen's anatomy. Tesrih-i Ebdan was based on the knowledge of Ahmed ibn Mansur, Ali ibn Abbas, Ibn Sina and other physicians of the Islamic period. However, it contains a great number of "schematic" anatomical drawings from Vesalius's Fabrica and the works of other anatomists, the texts of which were mainly ignored. Such a shortage indicates that the texts were not utilized enough, because of the language handicap and this shows in a sense why the drawings could not be extended beyond these schemas. (Esin Kahya has proved that Itaki also had his own drawings.) On the other hand, the book of anatomy titled Miratül Ebdân fi Tesrih-i Azâül-Insan by Ataullah Efendi (1771-1826), who knew Greek, Italian and French besides Arabic and Persian, was worthy of being the first modern anatomy book of the Ottoman medicine with its texts and drawings [84].

Those who have studied the books in which the traces of European medicine are obvious will see that the translation of texts providing new information from Europe into Turkish were achieved with delay and difficulty, because of poor knowledge in Turkish, as well as in foreign languages. Besides the issue that the Turks and Muslims did not know European languages, the lack of competence of the Ottoman physicians of Jewish and Christian origin in using the Turkish language should also be discussed. For example, the chief physician Hayatizâde Mustafa Feyzî (I) of Jewish origin (Mose ben Raphael Abravane, died in 1692), lacking competence in utilizing Turkish, was in need of Ayasli Saban Sifai's assistance in writing his Hamse (Resâilü'l-Müsfiye fî Emrâzi'l Müskile), which he translated from books in Latin published earlier by European writers [85]. On the other hand, Suphizâde Abdülaziz Efendi translated Boerhaave's complicated paragraphs with the assistance of scholars qualified in Latin. He stated this fact explicitly in the foreword of his translation of Boerhaave's Aphorisms (1709) into Turkish (Kitâat-i Nekave fi Terceme-i Kelimât-i Boerhaave-1771), at the request of Sultan Mustafa III. Abdülaziz Efendi also states that he described the phrases difficult to understand and tried to describe the different views of the preceding and contemporary writers, which was also a continuation of the method of acquiring information by writing commentaries; but this time the names of diseases for which equivalent Turkish terms were available were given in Latin. According to Emine Atabek, the translator's aim was to highlight the Latin terminology [86].

We are always conscious that language is the most important tool in collecting and transferring knowledge. In the 18th century the three chief physicians who utilized European medicine were convert Muslims who knew Latin. This is a fact that proves the importance and priority of language with respect to the subject in question. Meanwhile, we should also be aware that loss of meanings might have occurred through translations. It is another area of research to compare the original texts with their translations with respect to the mistranslations. We must bear in mind that mistakes in the translation of the medical texts would not only incorrectly transfer knowledge, but is bound to be a great danger for health and even for life; and would lead to negative reactions to the newly imported knowledge [87].

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Figure 8: Ibn-i Serif, as represented by Ord. Prof. Dr. Süheyl Ünver (Gülbin Ünver Mesara collection).

One of the main elements that ensure the maintenance of science is that the emminent scholars are followed by capable students who follow in the steps of their teacher. Scholars transmit their knowledge to their students, thus their existence is continued through them. For instance, we understand the importance of John Hunter (1728-92) not only from his works, most of which have been lost, but his reflection in the work of his students Jenner, Parkinson and Blizard. Boerhaave (1668-1738) was a famous clinician, but he is specifically remembered through his students Haller, Gaub, Cullen, Pringle and Van Swieten; and according to Cumston, if it were not for Van Sweiten's comments, Boerhaave's Aphorisms might have been forgotten [89].

The books containing new knowledge in Ottoman medicine appeared at long intervals and in a small numbers until the second half of the 19th century. This is the proof that the necessary paradigm needed for the progress of science in a society had not been acquired, consequently the scientific perspective of the new age could not be developed until the foundation of the medical school Mekteb-i Tibbiye in 1827. The early translations of medical books from European languages was achieved at long intervals, little new information was acquired by means of translation and as printing had not started in the Muslim community, the spread of the new knowledge was slow and difficult. For instance, considering the introduction of the new knowledge of anatomy to Ottoman medicine, Semseddin Itaki's book Kitab-i Tesrih-i Ebdan (1041/1632), which was compiled almost a century after Vesalius's book dated 1543, bore the traces of European anatomy books, as well as contributions of the writer [90]. However, the introduction of the new anatomy was interrupted for nearly two centuries until Sanizade Ataullah Mehmed Efendi's work Mir'atü'l Ebdan fi Tesrih-i A'zai'l- Insan (1235/1819-1820) was translated and compiled [91]. The publication of another anatomy book was achieved half a century later [92].

The importance of regular viewing of new publications was clearly indicated in the code of the shipyard medical school "Tersane Tibhanesi" dated 1807. The Minister of the Navy was responsible for ordering medical newspapers and new medical books of the day published in Vienna, Paris and London [93]. With the foundation of the medical school Mekteb-i Tibbiye in 1826-7, the change in the medical view of the Ottoman physicians speeded up. For instance, Hayrullah Efendi (1817-1866), a representative of the passage from the old medicine to the new one, stated in his Makalât-i Tibbiye (1843) that it was not possible to attain divine medical wisdom, but he argued that a physician might get rid of his inefficiencies by means of viewing new information regularly and the exchange of information that would be provided by means of publication [94]. From the mid 19th century on, the acquisition of new information was speeded up and innovations were added to Ottoman medicine in a short time. For example, in the 1847-8 activity report of the medical school Mekteb-i Tibbiye, it is recorded that the Ottomans started to use chloroform in operations and introduced it into the courses of the medical school only one year after Simpson's use of chloroform in operation in 1847 [95]. After Pasteur's first use of rabies vaccine in 1885, Sultan Abdülhamid II sent a team of three scholars to Paris in 1886 for utilizing the new discovery through direct observation and study in the institution where it was being practiced. The rabies vaccine was prepared in the internal medicine department of the medical school in early 1887, and the physician Hüseyin Remzi, a member of the team, published a book on rabbies vaccine in 1889 [96]. Two years after the discovery of Roentgen in 1895, Esat Feyzi and Rifat Osman used the X-ray machine for the first time to define the spots of the bullet in the wounded during the Greek-Turkish war, which was recorded in the history of medicine as a remarkable event [97].

After the start of medical education on the European lines in the Mekteb-i Tibbiye medical school especially in the last quarter of the 19th century, translations from European languages of notable medical works were made and so the Ottomans acquired access to the important progress of the day . What were the criteria for selecting the books to be translated in the 17th and 18th centuries and who decided them? What were the factors leading to the selection of books to be translated from European medical literature? One of the factors directing the translations was the favoured language of the day for the Ottoman scholars. The Ottomans' commercial and political relations with Italy led to priority also being given to this country on relations regarding education and the exchange of information. It is remarkable that the early translations were mostly from Italian, in fact, from the texts which were formerly translated into Italian from other languages. The high probability of the mistakes made in the retranslations of these texts into Turkish and the implementation of these mistakes in the medical practice that might have led to tragic results could be studied by reviewing these texts. We do not know to what degree the readers of such monographs comprehended the importance of observing the original text or the importance of translating texts from the language in which they were written. [98]

There were other factors leading to the selection of the texts to be translated. Popular works by well known writers that could be utilized in clinical practice were selected; and from time to time by the royal decree; or by the orders of the state authorities. For instance, Boerhaave (1668-1738), as well known as Paracelsus, was one of the European physicians whose works were translated and utilized by several Ottoman scholars. The Aphorisms (1709) composed by Boerhaave, an efficient clinician, was prepared for the diagnosis and treatment at home, but the book did not contain any new medical results. However, William Harvey's description of the circulation of the blood introduced in 1628 was contained in the Aphorisms, and this was new knowledge for Ottoman medicine, even though the Aphorisms was translated into Turkish in 1771, that is sixty years after its publication. According to C. Daremberg, what made the book highly popular was "the clarity of the aphorisms regularly tracing one another." N. Eloy also indicated that "the Aphorisms of Boerhaave strictly opposed to the questionable hypothesis and the style of the book was remarkable and absolute." We also observe that Boerhaave was an undoubtedly effective authority like Galen. According to Emine Atabek who was specialized in the subject, Boerhaave, who had not made any new findings, had not invented any tools, nor made use of any new method or technology in medicine and had not any remarkable features in his works, managed to introduce himself as a wonderful instructor and a unique orator [99]. Boerhaave's claim of having introduced the absolute, ultimate information was a style favoured by the Ottoman scholars, as they were familiar with it and even they liked it for being reliable.

Although European medicine was extensively transferred to Ottoman medicine in the 19th century, traditional Islamic medicine was not excluded altogether. The traditional theory of humours and temperaments continued until the mid 19th century in the rapidly developing European medicine also; and the classic Greek and Islamic works were still utilized; Hippocratic medicine was still evaluated as a part of contemporary medicine, that is, the old medicine had not yet been consigned to history [100]. We must not ignore the fact that tboth the old and European medicine were studied and practiced in the mid 19th century Ottoman field of medicine. For instance, Sanizade Ataullah Efendi (1771-1826) published the anatomical illustrations of the leading European anatomists and proved the necessity of the knowledge of anatomy and physiology for the efficient practice of surgery in his work "Hamse". However, some writers' assumption that Sanizade "did not include traditional Islamic medicine in his Hamse, but he started to deal with the European medicine directly", does not reflect reality [101]. Ignoring the extent of the reflection of the knowledge of anatomy in Mir'at el-Ebdân fi Tesrîh-i A'zâi'l-insân to the field of surgery, the comments in the Kânûni'l-Cerrahîn (1828), the fourth part of the Kütübü'l Hamse is based on the humoral theory; and ideas on bilious and dirty blood continued to be noted as a cause for illness; tumors are still believed to be of a cold or hot nature; and canals obstructed by humours are advised to be treated with obstruction removing drugs (müfettih), as it was formerly. It is also worth remarking that a group of mental illnesses called malihülya, mentioned in medical manuscripts for centuries, is described in an extended part in this surgical book. Usûlü't-Tabi'â, the second volume of Hamse-i Sânizâde, that deals with physiology is a composition of the old and the European medical knowledge. For instance while the natural, animal and sensual faculties of the old medical philosophy were described, comments are based on the new medical knowledge [102]. Yet, this attitude should not be surprising, for it could not be expected for the new information to replace the old immediately or for the classic medical knowledge which had been maintained for centuries to be completely discarded. It would be irreconcilable with the nature of medicine to start to practice new findings, giving up all the former knowledge and techniques before certain phases are completed, because the health and life of man is concerned.

In the late 19th century, books based on the philosophy of the equilibrium of the four elements, describing the views of the antique and Islamic authorities compiled centuries ago continued to be translated, though in fewer numbers, along with the introduction of European knowledge,. For example, in an age when microbiology rapidly progressed in Europe and the Ottoman scholars followed this progress closely, an Arabic book on infectious diseases, composed during the reign of Bayezid II (1481-1512), could be regarded as worthy to be translated into Turkish in 1893 [103]. In the late 19th century, the compilation and publication of medical books based on Islamic medicine continued, though few in number. For example, in 1298/1881 the translation of Osman Hayri Mürsid b. Halil Tarsusi's Kenzü's Sihhatü'l-Ebdaniyye Eser-i Mürsid-i Osmaniyye; and in 1303/1886 Salih b. Nasrullah's Nüzhetü'l Ebdân fi Tercümet-i Gayetü'l Itkan were published. These books, based on the humoral theory, were composed in a clear Turkish style. It is interesting that Osman Mürsid expected popular appreciation of his book and claimed that it was to function as a supplementary means to replace physicians, thus, he was repeating the need for writing a book of medicine which had been a tradition for centuries [104].

In the late 19th century, when the practice of the European and the old medicine based on the humoral theory alongside each other ended, the necessity for acquiring both the old and the new medical knowledge also came to an end. Thus, the tradition of first of being a wise man / philosopher then being merely a physician came to an end as well. Moreover, some Ottoman physicians were not satisfied with the practice of the new medicine alone, but started activities and research for the acquisition of new knowledge, the basis of science. Ottoman physicians of the late 19th century, who contributed to world medicine achieved some of their innovations in European countries where intellectuals of science existed. For instance, Celal Muhtar (Özden) was enrolled in doctor Roux's and doctor Metchnikoff's laboratories in Paris (1890); Akil Muhtar (Özden) studied in Professor Mayor's laboratory of experiment and treatment in Geneva (1907); and Hasan Resad (Sigindim) worked in Hamburg with Professor Arning (1913), and they made contributions to medicine there. Research physicians such as Akil Muhtar, who founded a research laboratory in Turkey, succeeded in introducing science to their homeland, creating a climate for science and research in Turkey [105]. For instance, Akil Muhtar became a European man of science and tested the effects of drugs on patients in the clinic, a part of the Pharmacodynamics Laboratory. Akil Muhtar was a positivist, approving those who interpreted the evolution of ethics as a result of the evolution of the organism [106]. Furthermore, for Akil Muhtar, an operation aiming to prove a reality through scientific methods might be a justification for omitting some moral rules. For example, when he worked as a pathologist at the Haseki Hospital, he said to one of his students about a patient "in case the woman dies let me know of it, so that we can practice a post mortem examination" for the purpose of describing autopsy by demonstration. Afterwards, in order to be able to carry out an autopsy, he pretended that she was "a suspect of the probability of being poisoned" [107].

[73] S. Tekeli: "Bilim Dillerinin Tarihsel Gelisimine Bir Bakis", Bilim Kültür ve Ögretim Dili Olarak Türkçe, op.cit., pp. 204-232. For the unfavorable effect of education in a foreign language, see pp. 207-8: "Education in a foreign language would lead to a nation's disaster. First of all, it would prevent the native language from developing as a language of science, blunt the language every single day, deepen the gulf between ordinary people and intellectuals and eventually cause people to become ignorant and intellectuals to be ready for moulding in any way."

[74] G. A. Russell: Physicians At The Ottoman Court. op.cit., p. 256. See: "Les quatres premiers livres de navigations et peregrinations orientales, de Nicolas de Nicolay", Lyons, 1568; 3. Book, 7. Chapter: Les Médecins de Constantinople, f. 105.
- E. Ihsanoglu: Osmanli Devleti ve Medeniyeti Tarihi 2, vol. I. Osmanli Egitim ve Bilim Müesseseleri. E. Ihsanoglu (Ed.), "IRCICA", Istanbul 1998, p. 275; E. Ihsanoglu: Ottoman Science in the Classical Period and Early Contacts with European Science and Technology, op.cit., p. 39.
- U. Heyd (translated by F. N. Uzluk): "Moses Hamon Kanuni Sultan Süleyman'in Yahudi Bashekimi". Ankara Üniversitesi Tip Fakültesi Mecmuasi, vol. XXIII, 1970, pp. 306-327.
- A. Adivar, op.cit., pp. 53-54. In his untitled manuscript copied in 1558/59, Musa Calinus al-Israili wrote about the Spanish physician Arnold of Villanova (1235-1311) referring from another Jewish physician's note. The alchemist Arnold being an Arabist was one of the pioneers in classifying diseases and had made various original observations and introduced new ideas. Whether or not Israili wrote about these is a matter of research. See: F. H. Garrison: An Introduction to the History of Medicine with Medical Chronology, Suggestions for Study and Bibliographic Data, Saunders Company, Philadelphia 1929, p. 163.
- Avram Galanti: Türkler ve Yahudiler. Istanbul 1947, p.101.
- Leonlart Rauwolff (a 16th century physician, botanist and traveler) noted that Turkish physicians did not know and could not read in any foreign language, while most of the Jewish physicians could read the original Greek and Arabic texts of Galenus and Ibn Sina. See M. Dols: Medicine in Sixteenth Century Egypt. Transfer of Modern Science and Technology to the Muslim World; Proceedings of the International Symposium on Modern Science and the Muslim World (Istanbul, 2-4 September l987), Istanbul 1992, pp. 216, 220.

[75] G. A. Russell: "Physicians At The Ottoman Court", op.cit., pp. 259, 267.
- A. Galanti: Türkler ve Yahudiler: Tarihi, Siyasi Arastirma. Gözlem Gazetecilik, Istanbul 1995, pp. 113-114.
- E. Ihsanoglu: "Ottoman Sciences in the Classical Period and Early Contacts with European Science and Technology", op.cit., pp. 38-41.
- E. Ihsanoglu: "Osmanli Egitim ve Bilim Kurumlari". Osmanli Devleti ve Medeniyeti Tarihi, vol. 2, pp. 275-277.
- E. Ihsanoglu: Osmanli Devletine 19. yy.'da Bilimin Girisi ve Bilim-Din Iliskisi Hakkinda Bir Degerlendirme Denemesi, op.cit., p. 89. See B. Lewis: The Muslim Discovery of Europe. London 1982, Weidenfeld and Nieolson, p. 222.
- M. W. Dois: op.cit., pp. 214-215.
- E. Insanoglu: Büyük Cihad'dan Frenk Fodulluguna, op.cit., pp. 131-133.

[76] Bibliographia Medica Hispanica 1475-1950, vol. I, Libros y Folletos, 1475-1600. Instituto De Estudios Documentales E Historicos Sobre La Cicencia Universidad De Valencia- C. S. I. C. Valencia 1987.
- Bibliographia Medica Hispanica 1475-1950, vol. II, Libros y Folletos 1601-1700. Instituto De Estudios Documentales E Historicos Sobre La Ciencia Universidad De Valencia - C. S. 1. C. Valencia 1989.
- F. K. Berksan: Avrupa'da Frengi Tarihini Alakadar Eden Türkçe Bir Vesika. Türk Tip Tarihi Arkivi, vol. 3, no. 10, 1938, pp. 49-51.
- In the 16th century Nidai mentions syphilis and its treatment in his book Menafiü'n-nas. See A. Adivar, pp. 47, 95.
- The earliest mention of syphilis known as the Frenk Uyuzu (European scabies) in Turkish and its treatment is found in "Alâim-i Cerrahîn". See N. Yildirim: "Alâim-i Cerrâhîn'in Bilinmeyen Bir Özeti: Fi Nebzeti'n Min El-Cerrâhîn." Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari 1, 1986, p. 101.
- M. Dols: op.cit., pp. 216, 219.

[77] E. Ihsanoglu: Büyük Cihad'dan Frenk Fodulluguna, op.cit., pp. 90-92. For the book's bibliographical details see foot note 103. For the classical Islamic medical philosophy see M. Ullman: Islamic Surveys. Edinburgh, 1978; see Ullman pages 56-62 for the medical theories on which Jewish Elijah's (Yahudi Ilyas) book is based on; pages 86-96 for his views on contagious/ infectious diseases and plague (taun and veba); and pages 90-92 for the various drugs he used in the medical treatment of plague.

[78] Bibliographia Medica Hispanica. See foot note 77.
- F. H. Garrison: op.cit., pp. 156-157; 217-220.

[79] N. Sari: "Bati'da Yeniden Dogus: Rönesans", op.cit., pp. 1-4.
- E. Kâhya notes: "In the 16th century the Ottoman Empire was equal to Europe in terms of scientific development." See "On Dokuzuncu Yüzyilin Ilk Yarisinda Osmanli Imparatorlugunda Tip Egitimi ve Kalburüstü Hekimlerimiz", op.cit., p. 685.
- M. W. Dols: op.cit., p. 215.

[80] A. Galante: Medecins Juifs au Service de la Turquie" in Histoire des Juifs de Turquie. ISIS IX, Istanbul 1938, pp. 79-117.
- N. Taskiran: " Osmanli Devleti'nin Ilk Zamanlarinda Baska Ülkelerden Çagrilan ve Kendiliginden Siginan Hekimlerin Durumu Türkiye'den Hekim Istenmesine Dair Bir Arsiv Belgesi". Haseki Tip Bülteni, vol. 13, no. 2, 1975, pp. 105, 109.
- U. Heyd (trans. F. N. Uzluk): " Moses Hamon Kanuni Sultan Süleyman'in Yahudi Bashekimi." Ankara Üniversitesi Tip Fakültesi Mecmuasi, vol. XXIII, 1970, pp. 306-327.
- O.S. Uludag: "Osmanli Sarayinin Yabanci Hekimleri ". Yeni Türk Mecmuasi, vol. 4, no. 38, Subat 1936, pp. 190-194.
- Hammer: Osmanli Devleti Tarihi, vol. XIII, Üçdal, Istanbul 1986, p. 231.
- Also see foot notes 74 and 81.

[81] A. Terzioglu: Moses Hamons, Kompendium der Zahnheilkunde aus dem Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts, München 1977.

[82] G. A. Russell: Physicians At The Ottoman Court. op.cit., p. 259.
- M.W. Dols: op.cit., pp. 214-5.
- In his treatise Musa Calinusü'l Israili wrote that he benefited not only from Islamic and Greek but from European works too; however he grouped drugs into two as "those beneficial for friends" and "those harmful for enemies". In his commentary on the margin of a page the physician Sifaî noted that differentiation of drugs as "drugs for friends" and "drugs for enemies" is contrary to the law of medicine." See: A. Adivar: op.cit., pp. 53-54.
- E. Ihsanoglu: Büyük Cihad' dan Frenk Fodulluguna, op.cit., pp. 98-99, 113-114, 133.

[83] I. Kumbaracizade: Topkapi Sarayi Hazinei Evrak Vesikalari Hekimbasi Odasi, Ilk Eczane, Bas Lala Kulesi. Istanbul 1933, p. 34.
- I. Uzunçarsili: Osmanli Devletinin Saray Teskilati, op.cit., p. 365; BOA, Kamil Kepeci, Küçük Ruznamçe, defter no. 1 (1013/1604).

[84] E. Kâhya: Semseddin-i Itakî'nin Resimli Anatomi Kitabi, op.cit., pp. 7, 26, 61, 110-11; Illustrations: no. 23-33, 46-53, 60-67.
- G. A. Russell: "The Owl and the Pussy Cat The Process of Cultural Transmission in Anatomical Illustration." Transfer of Modern Science and Technology to the Muslim World; Proceedings of the International Symposium on Modern Science and the Muslim World (Istanbul, 2-4 September 1987), Istanbul 1992, pp. 180-212.
- E. Ihsanoglu: "Osmanli Egitim ve Bilim Kurumlari", op.cit., p. 277.
- O. S. Uludag: op.cit., p. 192.
- N. K. Kurt: op.cit., p. 29.

[85] A. Adivar: op.cit., pp. 111-112.
- A. H. Bayat: Osmanli Devletinde Hekimbasilik Kurumu ve Hekimbasilar, op.cit., p. 76.

[86] A. Adivar: op.cit., p. 177.
- For the difficulties faced in the translation of Boerhaave's Aphorismi de Cognoscendis et Curandis Morbis in Usum Doctrinae Domesticae Digeste see E. Atabek: "Hollandali Hekim H. Boerhaave'in Aphorismalarinin Türk Tip Tarihindeki Yeri", op.cit., pp. 35-39.
- S. Ünver: Osmanli Tababeti ve Tanzimat Hakkinda Yeni Notlar 100 üncü Yildönümü Münasebetiyle Tanzimat I. Istanbul 1940, Maarif Matbaasi, pp. 933-960. S. Ünver noted that in his translation "Suphizade often quoted Latin terminology, because there were no Arabic, Persian or Turkish equivalents for them." On the contrary, in the above mentioned work (PhD thesis) E. Atabek argues that Latin medical terms had equivalents in Ottoman Turkish and proves by means of examples that Latin terms were used deliberately. See: p. 934.
- M. Kaçar found in the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs a record noting that Subhizâde translated the book utilizing the help of another physician. See T. Zorlu: Süleymaniye Tip Medresesi. Istanbul University Social Sciences Institute, Science History Section, unpublished MSc thesis, Istanbul 1998, p. 156.

[87] Head physician Salih bin Nasrullah (1656-1670), Hayatizâde Mustafa Feyzî (1669-1692) and Nuh Efendi (1695-1707) were converts to Islam who benefited from European medical books as they knew Latin. See A. H. Bayat: Osmanli Devletinde Hekimbasilik Kurumu ve Hekimbasilar, op.cit., pp. 69-71, 74-77, 84-87.
- European intellectuals' doubt about the correctness of the translations made in the Middle Ages from Arabic to Latin -which realized the development in thinking and science in Europe- laid the basis for the reinvestigation of Arabic sources in the 17th century. This second period of translation that started because of the necessity to review Arabic texts was aimed to reanalyze the former and current thinking and knowledge. In this second period of translation from Arabic sources -considered as a means of acquiring knowledge in the Middle Ages- texts were reanalyzed linguistically and knowledge were revised and transferred again. In the meantime, the importance of the linguistic competence of translators, mutual texts in the two languages, grammar and dictionaries were brought up. Furthermore, as manuscripts might cause misreading, some texts were printed in the Arabic alphabet so that the original texts were more easily accessible. For example, Ibn Sina's Canon was published in 1593. The initial translations were reviewed and mistakes corrected. For instance, Gerard of Cremona's Latin translation of the 12th century was corrected according to Andrea Alpago's translation of the 15th century in the 1595 Venice 13 edition of Canon. Amatus Lusitanus (1511- 68), a refugee physician in Salonika criticized the Latin translation of the Canon, underlying the examples of misreading and misinterpretation in the translations from Arabic and he emphasized the probable tragic outcomes of such mistakes in terms of medical practice. See G. A. Russell: The 'Arabick' Interest of the Natural Philosophers in Seventeenth Century England, op.cit., pp. 1, 2, 6, 10, 11, 13, 14.

[88] S. Ural: pp. 23-25, 218.
- N. Sari: "Tip Fakültesinde Tip Tarihi Egitiminin Amaci Ne Olmalidir?" Yeni Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari, no. 2-3, 1996-1997, pp. 260-263.

[90] E. Kâhya: Semseddîn-i Itakî'nin Resimli Anatomi Kitabi, op.cit., pp. 7, 26.

[91] Hamse-i Sanizade: Mir'atü'l Ebdan fi Tesrih-i Azaü'l Insan. Istanbul 1235 / 1820, Darü't Matbaatü'l Amire, El Kitabü'l Evvel fi Tesrihat- 7+2+131+80 pp.
- B. Zülfikar: XIX. Yüzyilda Osmanli Imparatorlugunda Anatomi- Tabip Sanizade Mehmed Ataullah Hayati ve Eserleri. (MSc thesis, advisor N. Sari), Özel Yay., Istanbul 1991.

[92] Mehmed Hafiz Es-seyyid (translator): Talimü't Tesrih. Mekteb-i Tibbiye Matbaasi, Istanbul 1288/1871, 30+3+656 pp. See G. Dinç: "Saglik Bilimleri Alaninda 1928'e Kadar Basilmis Eski Türkçe Eserler Üzerine Bir Degerlendirme Denemesi". Unpublished paper presented at the 4th Congress of Turkish Medical History Society held in Istanbul, 18-20 September 1996.
- S. Ünver: "Osmanli Tababeti ve Tanzimat Hakkinda Yeni Notlar", op.cit., p. 938.

[93] A. I. Gencer: "Istanbul Tersanesi'nde Açilan Ilk Tib Mektebi", op.cit., pp. 736, 742.

[94] N.Akdeniz (Sari): Osmanlilarda Hekim ve Deontolojisi, op.cit., p. 72.
- Hayrullah Efendi: Makalât-i Tibbiye. Matbaa-i Amire, Istanbul 1259, p. 145.

[95] We learn from the 1847-48 activity report of the Medical School Mekteb-i Tibbiye that chloroform was used in surgery and medical training in the Ottoman Empire a short time after Simpson's use of chloroform in an operation in 1847. See Y. I. Ülman: "Mekteb-i Tibbiye-i Adliye-i Sahane'de Kloroformun Ilk Kez Kullanilmasi." Tarih ve Toplum, vol. 23, no. 138, Haziran 1995, pp. 24-26.
- Y. I. Ülman: Journal de Constantinople'a Göre Mekteb-i Tibbiye-i Adliye-i Sahane'nin Galatasaray Dönemi, Istanbul University, Health Sciences Institute, unpublished MSc thesis, Istanbul 1994, pp. 75-78.

[96] Z. M. Tunçman: "Büyük Pasteur'ün Kuduz Asisi Bulusu Hakkinda." Istanbul Seririyati, yil: XXVII, no. 12, 1945, pp. 6-10. See pp. 8-9.
- S. Ünver: "Ölümünün 50'inci Yilinda Doktor Hüseyin Remzi'nin Üstadi Pastör'ün Kuduz Üzerine Çalismalari Hakkinda Hatiralari." Tibbiyeliler Bayrami, 14 Mart 1947, Tib Talebe Cemiyeti, no. 12, Istanbul 1947, pp. 6-12.

[97] N. Sari: "Tarihte Radyoloji- Türk Tarihinde Röntgen Öncüleri". Cerrahpasa Medical History and Ethics Department, 1987 lecture notes, pp. 4-5.

[98] For the relationship of the Ottomans with Italy and translations of Italian books see S. Ünver: "Osmanli Tababeti ve Tanzimat Hakkinda Yeni Notlar", op.cit., pp. 935-6; E. Ihsanoglu: "Osmanli Devletine 19. yy 'da Bilimin Girisi ve Bilim-Din Iliskisi Hakkinda Bir Degerlendirme Denemesi", op.cit., p. 98; E. Kâhya: "Ondokuzuncu Yüzyilin Ilk Yarisinda Osmanli Imparatorlugunda Tip Egitimi ve Kalburüstü Hekimlerimiz", op.cit., pp. 704-5; E. Kâhya: Tanzimat'ta Eski ve Yeni Tip "150. Yilinda Tanzimat, Türk Tarih Kurumu, seri 7, no. 142", Ankara 1992, pp. 295, 299.
- E. Kâhya: "Almost none of the translations can be described as translations, but rather they can be called adaptations because they were not word-for-word translations, as translators added some of the former information on humoral medicine to the suitable sections of the original texts." See Tanzimat'ta Eski ve Yeni Tip, op.cit., p. 293.
- "The 18th century translations were not completely word-for-word translations. Besides, the translations did not comprise only the translated texts themselves, but also translators' ideas that were added whenever found necessary. Translations were usually from Arabic and Persian works rather than European literature." See E. Kâhya: "Osmanlilarda Bilim". Erdem, vol. 3, no. 8, May 1987, pp. 491-517. See p. 492.
- See foot notes 87 and 98.

[99] "Ottoman Sultans, grand viziers, viziers and other members of the Court ordered scholars to translate popular works of the Islamic world and rewarded scholars presenting translations. The translation project of Nevsehirli Damad Ibrahim Pasa, the farseeing grand vizier of Ahmed III, carried on as a planned activity, was an enterprise of the State" See M. Ipsirli: "Lale Devrinde Teskil Edilen Tercüme Heyetine Dair Bazi Gözlemler." Osmanli Ilmi ve Meslekî Cemiyetleri, Istanbul 1987, pp. 33-39. Medical works are not mentioned amongst the works translated from Arabic and Persian in this period. However, a relevant point to our subject of discussion is that the translated books were abridged, because some parts of the texts were considered unnecessary, some phenomenon were omitted completely and some corrections were added, which are approaches that we generally come accross in translations of medical work as well.
- E. Kâhya: Tanzimat'ta Eski ve Yeni Tip, op.cit., p. 293.
- Kitaât-i nekave fi tercüme-i kelimât Boerhaave (1185 / 1771). See E. Atabek: Hollandali Hekim H. Boerhaave'in Aphorisma'larinin Türk Tip Tarihindeki Yeri, op.cit., p p . 3 3 - 3 4.

[100] H. E. Sigerist: A History of Medicine, vol. I, Historical Library, Yale Medical Library, no. 27, 1987, pp. 3-4.
- Littre, E.: Oeuvres Completes d' Hippoerate, 1844.

[101] E. Ihsanoglu: "Osmanli Egitim ve Bilim Kurumlari", op.cit., p. 278.
- A. Adivar: op. cit., p.194.

[102] Sânîzâde Ataullah : El- Kitâbü'r - Râbi' min Kütübi'l - Hamseti's-Sânizâde fi'l A'mâli'l - Cerrâhiye ve Mâyeteeallaku bi - zâlik (Kânûnû'l - Cerrahin). See N. Kemal Kurt: Sanizade Mehmed Ataullah Efendi' nin Kânûnû' l Cerrahin Adli Kitabinin Incelenmesi. Istanbul Üniversity Medical History and Ethics Department, unpublished PhD the-sis, advisor A. Altintas, Istanbul 1999, pp. 8, 37. This book was probably translated from the 1778 Italian edition (Instrozione Medico-Pratica ad usu die Chirurchi Civil e Militari Opera) of Anton Baran von Stoerek's (1731-1803) book published in German in 1776 for the practical medical education of Austrian military and country physicians.
- A. Adivar: op. cit., pp. 193-194.
- B. Zülfikar: XIX. Yüzyilda Osmanli Imparatorlugunda Anatomi Sanizade Hayati ve Eserleri, op.cit., p. 48.
- E. Kâhya: "Tanzimatta Eski ve Yeni Tip", op.cit., pp. 289-302. See p. 299. E. Kâhya notes that diagnosis of diseases were still described according to the temperaments (mizac) in the third volume of Hamse-i Sanizade; and drugs were still classified as simples and compounds in the fifth volume, as it was in the old medical manuscripts. See p. 300.

[103] Ahmed-i Ömerî al-Sami (translator): Tevfikât el Hamîdiyye fi Def el-Emrazi el-Vebâ'iyye. 1311/1893. This book is a Turkish translation of Micennet el-Ta'un ve'l Vebâ, which Ilya el-Yahudi wrote in Arabic and presented to Sultan Beyazid II (Cerrahpasa Medical History Museum Library, no. 105). Nükhet A. Varlik studied the manuscript as a MSc thesis.
- A. Adivar: op. cit., pp. 189-190.
- In 1209/1795 Gevrekzade Hafiz Hasan Efendi translated the Arabic book Micennet el-Ta'un ve'l Vebâ written at the beginning of the 16th century by Abdüsselâm el-Mühtedi (Hoca Ilya el-Yahudî, Ilya b. Abram), who was appointed to prevent the spread of an epidemic and treat the sick in Istanbul during the Sultan Bayezid II period. The translated version includes the medical knowledge of current as well as former physicians. (Istanbul University Library, Turkish manuscripts, no. 1299). See A. H. Bayat: Osmanli Devletinde Hekimbasilik Kurumu ve Hekimbasilar, op.cit., pp. 128-9; E. Ihsanoglu: Büyük Cihad'dan Frenk Fodulluguna, op.cit., p. 93.

[104] Osman Hayri Mürsid b. Halil Tarsusî: Kenzû' s-Sihhatü'l Ebdaniyye Eser-i Mürsid-i Osmaniyye, Matbaa-i Osmaniye, Istanbul 1298/ 1881. See p. 167. (Cerrahpasa Medical School, Medical History Department Library, no. 45); also see N. Akdeniz (Sari): Osmanlilarda Hekim ve Deontolojisi, op.cit., p. 136.
- Salih b. Nasrullah: Gâyetü'l-Itkân fi Tedbîr-i Bedeni' l Insan. (Translated by Mustafa Ebu'I-Feyz At Tabibü'1-evvel-i Bimaristan-i Sultan Ahmed Han in 1141/1728-9 and titled Nüzhetü' l Ebdân fi Tercüme-i Gâyetü'l Itkân, Istanbul 1303 / 1886. (Cerrahpasa Medical School, Medical History Department Library, no. 906).
- "Amongst the medical books published several times in the 19th century are popular books of humoral medical practice widely used in the previous centuries. One of the best examples is Davud el-Antâkî's works." See E. Kâhya: "Tanzimatta Eski ve Yeni Tip", op.cit., p. 291.

[105] Akil Muhtar studied the effects of drugs on animals in the pharmacodynamics laboratory he founded; and he enabled the observation of the effects of drugs on patients in the clinic (Tedavi Klinigi) he started as a section of the pharmacodynamics laboratory. His scientific approach was transferred to his student Prof. Dr. Alaaddin Akcasu, who also contributed highly to medicine. ' The innovations of these researchers are most remarkable in the history of Turkish medicine in respect to the fact that scientific inventions in a field follow one another and scientific information is transmitted from one period to the next, that is, science is a kind of knowledge that develops continuously. Similar examples can be given from recent history of Turkish dermatology, haematology and rheumatology. See N. Sari - Z. Özaydin: "Mekteb-i Tibbiye Mezunu Türk Hekimlerinin Buluslari", Cerrahpasa Medical History and Ethics Department, 1998 lecture notes.

[107] N. Taskiran: Haseki'nin Kitabi. Istanbul 1972, pp. 317-318.
- E. Atabek: "Hollandali Hekim H. Boerhaave'in Aphorisma'larinin Türk Tip Tarihindeki Yeri", op.cit., pp. 39-40.

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