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Figure 5: Ibn Sina and Hunayn ibn Ishaq by Ahmed b. ‘Alî el-Mahallî al-Muneccim al-Rammâl. Source: Hâvî ‘acâibi'l-mahlûkât u câmi'i garâ'ibi'l- mevcûdat / Kanunü'd-Dünya, Topkapi Palace Library, MS Revan 1638, fol. 284b.

Prior to the development of the positive scientific concept, Ottoman physicians used to explain the causes and results of clinical practices in accordance with the limits of the traditional rules based on the humoral theory in a regular and consistent way. Ottoman physicians criticised one another within the framework of the basic elements, on which the philosophy constituting the basis of this theoretical information was built. Thus, any new thesis not opposing the tradition was put forward. This is shown by the marginal inscriptions added in medical manuscripts (hasiye), commentaries composed about the medical books written earlier (Serh) and criticisms of former writers inserted between the lines, such as: "I believe it is different, not so"; "the said plant is hot in the second degree, not in the first"; "the said disease is not due to the yellow, but to the black bile". These additions were all based on the evaluation of what their authors saw and experienced, using logic within the framework of their knowledge about humours and temperaments. For example, the story about Kaysunizade's argument that Musa bin Hamon administering an adverse drug might change the temperament of the Sultan, thus Kaysunizade's demand that they should be examined in the presence of other physicians is a classic example of the concept of science of the period, because Kaysunizade proves his assumption by means of "reasoning and information quoted from known medical books." But, the logical relationship established between the features of the traditional medical philosophy consisting of elements, temperaments, spirits and intrinsic powers etc., were consistent. For this reason, if we could establish a sound relationship between the traditional medical philosophy and treatments based on it and investigate them in the light of our scientific medical knowledge, we can discern new information reached in clinical practices and invention of new drugs. As a matter of fact, in aiming to meet the practical needs and utilizing daily experiences they were able to achieve some developments [38].

In the classical Ottoman medicine, medical treatment was based on treating the spoiled temperament (mizac) and consequently administration of a proper drug. Therefore, it was required in the trust deeds of the Ottoman hospitals that the physician should know which drug would be proper to administer to a patient of a certain temperament and a certain illness and the effect of it; and he was expected to be skilful and experienced in the composition and preparation of drugs [39]. The most favoured works of Ottoman medicine were books of materia medica (müfredat) that describe drugs used as the main means of treatment and krabadins (murekkebat) dealing with compound medicines. As far as we know, the first medical work translated into Turkish was an abridged version of Ibn ül Baytar's Kitabul Cami fi l-Edviyeti l-Müfrede, compiled in the early l4th century. The first medical book written in Turkish that we know the date of is Ishak bin Murad's Edviye-i Müfrede (l390); and the first printed Turkish medical book is Tertib-i Ecza (1817). It is not a mere coincidence that all these books are pharmacopoeias and they are all aimed to meet the main need. The belief that a remedy for every disease except death could be found in nature and that nature has a healing property led to priority of herbal treatment and accentuated the importance given to drug therapy [40].

As the medical practice of the Ottoman physician aimed to remove the patients' complaints and the symptoms of diseases, familiarity with the drugs to be used in treatment was of great importance. The crucial importance of classification in drugs was known, yet drug classification was based on the humoral theory and the medical activity of a drug and accordingly its field of use in treatment determined the classification of materia medica. Maybe this is one of the reasons why many different herbs having the same activity were classified under the same name and so it became difficult to differentiate and recognise plant species. On the other hand, medical prescriptions that are compound (mürekkep) drugs were named according to the way they were prepared and used, as syrups (esribe), powders (süfuf), ointments (edhan) etc [41].

Writers sometimes refer to their own practices and experiences in their manuscripts on simple and compound medicines; consequently medical prescriptions of the past may illuminate the way for today's drug researchers and it is possible to find valuable clues to drug preparation in these manuscripts [42]. Even if medicine was administered within the limits of the humoral theory, nonetheless it had to be used in accordance with the empirical data and this naturally influenced the development of drug therapy, which was a practical method of treatment. Medical works are full of drug prescriptions tested (mücerreb) on patients aiming at treatment. If a drug was qualified as already tested by a physician, this meant that he noted the healing effect of the drug on the patients, just as a doctor today traces the activity of a drug retrospectively and transfers this information to the related drug company. But the use of drugs depended on the knowledge reached through empirical not scientific data. As a result of the experiences in an empirical way, though it might contribute to medical treatment, the active mechanism of a drug treatment and its result were explained in accordance with the humoral theory. While the preparation of simple and compound medicines were not based on the scientific methods of our day, but depended on the theory that the main cause of both health and illness had to do with the equilibrium of the four elements, the results of practice were explained according to the humoral theory, that is the humoral theory was used in a scholastic form of interpretation in order to interpret the fact.

In studying the parts of the medical books dealing with diagnosis, treatment and prognosis, it is also possible to note the writers' and translators' efforts to interpret their personal experiences, that is clinical observations in line with the humoral theory. While problems were based on premises, traditional concepts were used in dealing with new problems. This traditional approach in commenting according to the humoral theory on some obviously new cases, which the physician might come across in his professional life, meant that Ottoman physicians missed the opportunity to contribute to medicine. In their books, some Ottoman physicians mention the importance of clinical practice in gaining new experiences. Emir Çelebi, an Ottoman chief-physician (died in l648) argues in the preface of his book Enmuzecü't Tib (l624) that it was "not proper for a writer to repeat the information formerly gained without any contribution, that is to take them as they were, but the results of his personal experiences should also be added." As to Abbas Vesim Efendi (died in 1759/60), he suggests in his book titled Düsturu'l Vesim fi't-Tibbi'l-Cedid ve'l Kadim, which deals with traditional and contemporary medicine -as can be inferred from its title:

"The physician should go to the hospital to visit the patients, because in this way he may come to be informed of many interesting diseases. It is important for the physician to work in hospitals to increase his knowledge and experience, because the physician will come across with many diseases formerly unknown".

The clinical observations that might enable the physician to obtain new knowledge was explained by means of the humoral theory. The relationship between ethiopatho-genesis and clinical findings being based on the humoral theory and discussions being limited by the views of the former authorities,this hindered the way to new information and prevented developments in science, even if it did not prevent experience and mastery in the practice of some physicians. Moreover, in the same book Abbas Vesim argues that "ancient medical books contain so much useful information which new books lack"; and "real science and proper knowledge are the ideas and confirmations expressed by merited men". That is, he stated that real science is learned from authorities [43]. The most important proof of this tradition is the fact that the works of Ibn Sina, who used his comprehensive clinical experience and great wisdom to systematize medical knowledge, were a recognised authority in the West and the East for centuries. Until the end of the 17th century, Ibn Sina's Canon (Kanun) was used as a textbook in European universities. We can even assume that medical education was based on the Latin translations of Arabic books and their comments. Their numerous reprints throughout Europe between the years of l425 and 1610 is an indication that they responded to a great need. That is to say, European physicians practiced Ibn Sina's medicine just as their Ottoman colleagues in the 17th century did. Yet, in the l6th and l7th century-Europe, while discussions on the works and theories of authorities like Galen and Ibn Sina continued, scientists were at work, who believed in their own observations, discussions, arguments, and the results they reached through their own experiments. In the l6th century, experimentation and the method of comparison"; and in the 17th century "measuring" and "mathematical proof were added to the traditionally applied methods of observation and description in attaining medical knowledge; and in the course of time, quantitative knowledge began to precede the qualitative knowledge [44]."

Ottoman physicians, who continued until the 19th century to make use of books or abridged versions of books and commentaries translated from Arabic, used to develop their knowledge by means of commentaries and marginal notes in the works of the Islamic period, aiming to comprehend them. Education aimed to comprehend and interpret the works of authoritative writers, to confirm the established rules or to determine which of the different sources information and evaluation of the medical authorities was correct. Radical questioning of current knowledge was not considered. Yet, the most important factor that started the Renaissance in European medicine was the opposition to the authorities and questioning of the main sources of current knowledge. The Renaissance was also the beginning of the use of native languages in medicine [45]. So why were Ottoman physicians late in radically questioning current knowledge?

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Figure 6: Treatment of luxation of the back vertebrae in the medical manuscript of Serefeddin Sabuncuoglu Cerrahiyetü'l Haniye. Millet Library, MS 79, Part 3, chapter 30, fol. 190a.

The importance of literature in the development of science cannot be ignored and the history of science clearly proves the importance of literature in the development of science. Periods of extensive translation of important works occurred before the great acceleration in the development of knowledge of both the Islamic and European civilizations. In the 8th and 9th centuries many Greek, Syriac, Persian and Indian works were translated into Arabic. Consequently, the number of Arabic medical terms increased rapidly and the Arabic medical language developed. From the 11th century onwards, Europeans translated major Islamic medical works into Latin, and later, increasingly, into their native languages [47].

The Turks who adopted Persian and Arabic as their languages of education following the arrival of Islam, did not write in Turkish even during the period of the Turkish Seljuk State in the 11th century. Only from the 14th century on, Turkish writers and translators who did not accept the phrase "Turkish could not be used in literature" (Türkî yazilabilemez) started a period of flourishing Turkish literature in Anatolia. The state policy, that is, the encouragement of the rulers of Anatolia, played an important role in the development of Turkish literature. Explanations about preferring to write in Turkish are not found in the prefaces of medical books alone. For example, in the early 14th century Asik Pasa referred to a verse in the Qur'an as the basis for the need to use Turkish in writing his work Garibnâme: "We sent each prophet from within their own nation to have them recite clearly (to people in their native language) (14/4). Have those knowing only Turkish also learn the reality and reach the truth in Turkish, so Turks not to be deprived of it [48]."

Although a period of translation of the main classical works into Turkish did not take place in Turkish history, these primary Turkish texts of the 14th and 15th centuries were an important contribution to the development of Turkish medical literature and if this progress had been maintained, terms used to express concepts would also have enriched it along with the terms used in medical practice. Turkish medical terms which would function as a means to understand contemporary medical literature began to be used increasingly in 14th century Turkish medical literature and established in the medical language. Turkish words such as "göbek yarugi, südük tutulmagin, kavukdan tas çikarmagun, alt çene çikuki, kulak güvüldisi, göyünmek, tamzurnak" were used along with the Arabic and Persian words that had been introduced into Turkish; or Turkish equivalents of Arabic and Persian terms, such as "gavzuban, that is the sigir dili"; "yarakandur, that is called "sarulik" were quoted. [49] Some physicians who wrote in Turkish, for example Serefeddin Sabuncuoglu during the reign of Sultan Mehmet the conqueror, and Mahmud Sirvânî during the reign of Murad II, contributed to medicine by inscribing their experiences in their works [50].

What was the reason for Turkish to be used in writing medical works at a period when Turkish was not regarded as an effective language to be used in scientific literature? Anatolia became a Turkish territory and physicians and surgeons, most of whom were probably trained by the master-apprentice method, knew only Turkish and so were not able to reach the literature of their profession. As we can see when we study Turkish medical manuscripts, works of medicine comprise mainly practical information. For example, the aim of compiling works on simple or compound drugs or translations of works in this field was mainly practice-oriented; that is to say, it was aimed at solving the confusion of drug terminology, helping the reader to recognize these drugs clearly, thus helping the physicians who did not know Arabic or Persian and helping people in districts where there were no physicians. It was essential that the drug should be recognized properly so that it could be healing and useful to the patient or avoid harming them. For example, Sabuncuoglu needed to note in the foreword of his book Mücerrebnâme (l468) the reason why he wrote in Turkish: "Medical books having been written in Arabic or Persian and as most of the Anatolian people didn't know these languages, they were helpless [51]."

Sabuncuoglu's aim in translating Zahrawi's surgical book into Turkish and adding his interpretations was professional too, that is he addressed the translation to the Anatolian Turks who did not know Arabic or Persian. In the foreword of his Cerrahiyetü'l Haniye (l465) he says:

"I have written this book in Turkish. The reason is that the Anatolian people speak Turkish and most of the surgeons of our day are illiterate. Those who are literate read Turkish books. Those who read and study this book can overcome many of their difficulties, get to know the right knowledge of the profession, thus avoid making mistakes, and no harm will be done to the patient."

By translating and inserting his comments on Al-Zahrawi's book, Sabuncuoglu not only contributed to the Turkish language, but also to the practice of surgery. However, as far as we know there are only three copies available, which means that it was not so widespread as to reach a great number of surgeons. Sabuncuoglu who was not inclined to be a philosopher (hakîm), writing only on medicine, added new knowledge through his own observations and experiences to the knowledge he had inherited [52].

Turkish people expected writers to write their works in Turkish and the writers wrote in Turkish aiming to serve people and have people remember and bless them. Another aim in writing in Turkish was to provide brief information to help the people in districts where there were no physicians or where they lacked the money to pay a physician. For instance, at the beginning of his Turkish book titled Müntehab-i sifa, Haci Pasa (died 1417), says:

"I wanted to compose a book of medicine that would provide brief information, describing the ways to maintain health and the causes, symptoms and therapies of widespread diseases, so that people can use this summarized book in districts where there are no experienced physicians [53]."

Do these kind of statements imply that there were not enough physicians in Anatolia? We have considerable information that in the Ottoman period traditional medical treatment and also self treatment was widespread [54]. Yet, there are sources from which we conclude that the number of independent physicians and surgeons running private offices outnumbered those employed in the Court and hospitals. For instance, in his Seyahatname (Book of Travels) Evliya Çelebi points to a procession of a thousand physicians at a ceremony in the presence of Sultan Murat IV and notes seven hundred physicians owning an office and hundreds and thousands of physicians who did not own an office, although we must always keep in mind that Evliya Çelebi's figures are considered to be exaggerated. The number of paid Court physicians then was thirty-six. Considering the widespread master-apprentice training, the existence of documents (law court records) in every city about physicians and surgeons imply that itinerant physicians and surgeons, that is the officeless (bî-dükkan), served in distant districts of the country. The difficulty of sending physicians to all distant parts of the Ottoman territory can be considered as a reason for writing abridged medical books in Turkish. However, we may conclude that the arguments of this kind that existed in the forewords of Turkish medical books that might be of benefit only to literate and informed individuals for the treatment of themselves and their family members were put forth as another reason for writing in Turkish [55].

As happened previously with the beginning of the shift to writing in Turkish, during the 15th and 16th and in the following centuries, the aim of translating from Arabic into Turkish was not to reach new knowledge but to utilize works written centuries ago. One of the most important reasons for writing medical books in Turkish, as stated in the forewords of the books, was to provide professional knowledge and to decipher the unintelligible texts for the benefit of the physicians who knew no language but Turkish. Writers frequently resorted to compiling easily comprehensible abridged Turkish versions to achieve this aim. For instance, at the request of his close friends and physicians, the chief-physician Gevrekzade Hasan Efendi (1724-1801) translated the work of the 14th century Egyptian oculist Sazili the Umdetü'l Kuhliyye into Turkish in l796, 330 years after Sabuncuoglu's book on surgery. In his work titled Risale-i Zübdetü'l Kuhliyye fi Tesrîhi'l Basariyye, Gevrekzade states:

"There is no linguistic relation between the native languages of many physicians from various countries and Arabic, so they do not know enough Arabic. Consequently, books written in Arabic are not favoured. If books are compiled in Turkish they would be utilized better."

Gevrekzade, as he himself expressed, wrote "the Arabic phrases and medical terms in Anatolian Turkish" and explained the complicated parts by means of comments and signs. Gevrekzade notes the reasons why he added information to the texts he translated, pointing out that a respected person should add the neglected subjects of the text he translated, correct the mistakes and interpret the obscure words, all features that emphasize the responsibility of the translator. According to him, "it is wrong to provide insufficient information through abridged (muhtasar) books" and rely on the reader's ability, intelligence and aptitude for learning. In translating a book, "the incomprehensible parts should not be dropped out and shortened; on the contrary, obscure statements must be explained [56]."

The tendency for such explanations in the forewords of Turkish medical books is in a sense an attempt by the writer or the translator to defend himself against criticisms for writing in a language not regarded as scientific. But, I conclude from the great number of copies of books such as Müntehab-i sifa, Yâdigâr fi't tibb, Menâfiü'n-nâs, Enmûzecü't-tibb, Sifaü'l Fuad, Mahazar-i Nusret etc., written in popular Turkish and aiming to be utilized in practice, that they had been in demand for centuries and met the need of a great number of people, and so helped to spread the current medical knowledge all over the country. There were a few writers who were conscious of the fact and argued that writing in the vernacular would result in a wide spread of knowledge amongst people. For instance, in a poem in the epilogue of his translation from Arabic into Turkish titled Mucez (1531), Ahmed bin Kemâl wrote:

"It was my wish to write in Turkish
So that everybody would read and benefit
For the treatment of his trouble
So as to attain his desire [57]."

"The most valuable information on the anatomy of the human body discovered and declared by the physicians in the past being clothed by Turkish and the Anatolian cloth spread over its shoulders, that is to say, translated into Anatolian Turkish, those who tasted the pleasure of utilizing this information will increase in number and thus knowledge would spread widely and the facts difficult to interpret will be clear [58]."

These kinds of explanations in the forewords of Turkish medical manuscripts intending to provide medical knowledge to those interested in medical treatment, thus aiming to keep them from harming the patient, is also an indication that it was not possible to teach medicine in Arabic to those who read and wrote in Turkish.

Since language constitutes the essence of literature, education will be beneficial according to the interrelation of the two. As there was no other regular and widespread institution of higher learning in the Ottoman land except the madrasa until the 19th century, we have to study the education in the madrasa, because schools are the main institutes that contribute to the development of literature.

The madrasa was the main institution in which the Islamic tradition in learning and acquiring knowledge was observed and the main sources of Islamic science were in Arabic. For this reason, Arabic and Persian books were quoted as examples in the Ottoman madrasa education [59]. The accomplishment of scholars was evaluated by their profficiency in Arabic and a scholar could start to study science after he had learned Arabic. Arabic grammar and rhetoric were tools that enabled a scholar to understand other fields of knowledge. That the language of instruction in madrasa should be Arabic was conceived of as quite natural. However, Arabic had come to be an ideal rather than a tool for learning [60]. In this context, Nâbi, a poet of the 17th century, said: "In order to be a skilful (hâzik) physician, one should learn Arabic [61]." But we can note that Arabic was not only the language of religion and science, but the language of the Arab peoples living in the Ottoman territory [62]. However, we learn from archive documents that the most important centre of the Ottoman medical practice was the Court and its circle in Istanbul. The main activities of the Court authorities in relation to with health affairs were carried out in the palace hospitals, the charity hospitals (darüssifa) and the Süleymaniye Medical Madrasa; and above all concentrated in the Istanbul, Bursa and Edirne districts called bilâd-i selâse. For this reason, madrasa graduates in Istanbul, Bursa and Edirne in particular ought to be expected to contribute to the progress and development of medicine.

I wonder if the fact that the main sources were written in Arabic was a handicap to the development of medicine. As the physicians of the time said, most of the people in Anatolia spoke Turkish, yet the language of instruction in madrasas was Arabic. We can argue that people of different ethnic origin and culture attended the Istanbul madrasas. A madrasa registry of l791 provides an answer to this question, by noting the different geographical districts from which the students of the Istanbul madrasas came and the distribution of the total madrasa population. According to this registry, of the 2947 students enrolled in the rooms of the Istanbul madrasas, the largest group was from Anatolia (68 %); l7% of the rest were from Rumelia; 9% from Crimea and Caucasia; 4% from Istanbul and only 1 % from the Arab world. We should take into account that these percentages of boarding students do not include the daily students who were Istanbul citizens. So, we can conclude that the number of students coming to Istanbul to attend the madrasas decreased with the distance from Istanbul towards the East and West; and the attendance at madrasas in Istanbul was highest from the districts of Anatolia and Rumelia, that is from the districts densely populated by Turkish- speaking people [63]. On the other hand, according to a statistical study, of 115 Ottoman scholars (ulemâ) who lived between the 14th and 16th centuries, 43.3 % had been educated in a madrasa in Iran; 23,4 % in Egypt and only l4,7 % in Anatolia. The writers of the textbooks used in the Ottoman madrasas were of the same origin, that is only 3 % from Anatolia and Khorasan [64]. I wonder if one of the reasons why there were so few writers from Anatolia, was the fact that the language of science was mainly Arabic. These data confirm the researches supporting the assumption that it was not possible to teach Arabic to a great majority of the madrasa students who did not know Arabic, as they were unable to learn Arabic by comparing it with their native language; and that teaching Arabic was not possible in the madrasa where reading, writing and conversation in Arabic was inefficient [65]. It was of no use to educate students who had not learned enough Arabic by means of books written in Arabic, a "result" which favoured the traditional scholars and Islamic medicine written in Arabic, based on the humoral theory that had long ago ceased developing and become traditional. In other words, shall we say that "the stability and immutability of the madrasa education" based on instruction in Arabic was one of the important "causes" of the poor development of Ottoman medicine? [66] During the Ottoman period, however, the glorious days of Islamic medicine written in Arabic had finally ended and science and increase of knowledge began to develop in Europe. Meanwhile, Latin formerly used in Europe as the main language of science was replaced by the various national languages, unknown to the Ottoman Muslim scholars.

In most of the Ottoman medical books written from the second half of the l6th century onwards, more and more Arabic and Persian nouns, adjective clauses and sentence structures replaced Turkish. The structural characteristics of Turkish were distorted and medical texts, as well as texts in the other fields, started to be more and more difficult to comprehend [67]. In fact, except for a few subjects dealt with in a small number of Ottoman medical books, it is hard to assume that there was any new knowledge and concepts requiring the introduction of new terms into the Ottoman medical literature before the 19th century[68]. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the medical language of the writers of traditional Islamic medicine, such as Suûrî and Gevrekzâde was seriouly lacking in Turkish [69]. Tokatli Mustafa Efendi (died in l782) translated the most important source of Islamic medicine, Kanun fi't tib into Turkish and utilized it as a basis for his work Tabhizü'l Mathun; but as he used only a few Turkish verbs and preferred Arabic terms even when their Turkish equivalents were in use, this caused his text to be unintelligible [70]. When compared with the texts of the 15th century, a great loss of the Turkish language can be noticed. For example, while Zahire-i Muradiye (1437), edited by Mukbilzâde Mü'min of Sinop (a contemporary of Sultan Murad II), with selected translations from Arabic and Persian books, above all Zeyneddin b. Ismailü'l Cürcanî's (died in 1135), Zahîre-i Harzemsahî is easily intelligible today, it is difficult to understand Tokatli Mustafa's book, not only for the Turkish people, but also by those who know Arabic [71].

The reasons put forward by Ottoman physicians for translating from Arabic and Persian into Turkish or writing originally in Turkish in the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries were the same as they were in the early periods. The aim was to inform those who did not know any language except Turkish, of the contents of Arabic and Persian texts. This aim was ignored - except for a few works- in books written in Turkish. Concepts were increasingly replaced by Arabic words and the number of Arabic-Persian phrases and clauses grew greater in number. As the Ottoman language lost its Turkish characteristics over the course of time, it grew difficult for not only the common people, but also intellectuals and writers to understand it. Why did writers favour vague words, foreign grammar structures and an obscure style? Were the translations and compilations rendered in accordance with Arabic-Persian terms and linguistic characteristics, because of the incompetence of the translators and writers in Turkish, or because Turkish was still not evaluated as a literary language, or because they did not wish to find Turkish equivalents for the foreign words,? Did the use of Arabic books in medical education hinder the development of medical literature in Turkish? Although translating and compiling medical books in Turkish had progressed and developed rapidly, beginning with the age of Turkish states in Anatolia. This tendency continued with the Ottomans too, who paid great attention to works written in Turkish and translations into Turkish in this period. Therefore, what were the factors leading to the failure to develop the Turkish language? In addition to favouring Arabic literature in education, the Ottoman writers preferred "rhetoric" to "meaning" by using a confusing language, so literature became unintelligible to the majority of the population. This factor attracts attention as a factor in preventing not only the development of Turkish but also hindering thinking and consequently the development of science [72].

[37] S. Ural: op.cit., pp. 13-16.
- See S. Tekeli, E. Kâhya: Bilim Tarihine Giris. "Nobel, no. 104", Ankara 1999, for an overview of the history of science.

[38] E. Ihsanoglu: Büyük Cihad'dan Frenk Fodulluguna, op.cit., p.102. See R. H. Uzel: "Kanuni Süleyman Zamaninda Bir Tibbi Müsavere: Kaysunîzâde ve Hamonoglu." Türk Tip Tarihi Arkivi, vol. 4, no. 15, 1940, pp. 103-105.
- N. Sari: "Türk Tip Tarihinde Hindiba Türleri, Etkileri ve Günümüz Arastiricilarina Öneriler (The Drug "Hindiba")" Yeni Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari 4, Istanbul 1998, pp. 11-54.
- Professor Ali Haydar Bayat noted that Muhammed Ibn-i Mahmud Sirvanî's various observations in his work "Mürsîd" on eye diseases are contributions to medicine.

[39] As stated in the deeds of trust of hospitals, physicians were required to "work hard for treating patients using the proper medicine described in well known medical books; be skilful in preparing drugs and be informed of whether or not a syrup or paste would be appropriate for the temperament of the patient; be a master about the harmful and beneficial effects of drugs and highly informed of the harms and benefits of medical plants; be skilful in preparing drugs and understanding the proper and adverse effects of pastes and syrups on patients; be highly experienced in preparing drugs, informed of patients' temperaments and the appropriateness of drugs for them, hence competent both in theory and practice, knowing the principles of preparing drugs and skilled in preparing liquids and pastes". See N. Sari: "Osmanli Darüssifalarina Tayin Edilecek Görevlilerde Aranan Nitelikler", op.cit., pp. 18-19.
- See N. Akdeniz (Sari): Osmanlilarda Hekim ve Deontolojisi, op.cit., p. 112 for prescribing the medicine proper for the temperament.
- Nabi, a poet, describes the importance of knowing pharmacology for the physician of the 17th century:"God has created drugs and plant roots (rhizomes)
As means of healing diseases and suffering
The physician
Must know the nature of drugs and plant roots
Must know the way to treat the affected organ of the human body."
- See foot note 33.

[40] M. Canpolat: "XIV. Yüzyilda Yazilmis Degerli bir Tip Eseri Edviye-i Müfrede". Türkoloji Dergisi, vol.V, no. 1, 1973, pp. 21-22.
- N. Yildirim: "Türkçe Basili Ilk Tip Kitaplari Hakkinda." Türklük Bilgisi Arastirmalari (Journal of Turkish Studies), vol. 3, 1979, pp. 443-459; Mustafa Resid Efendi ve Mustafa Behçed Efendi: Tertib-i Ecza (1817). See p. 444.
- See N. Akdeniz (Sari): Osmanlilarda Hekim ve Deontolojisi, op.cit., p. 21 for the conviction that nature has healing property; see pp. 111-2, 114, 159 for the idea that nature's effect is superior to man's treatment; see pp. 114-115, 128 for the view that importance must be paid to treatment by nature.

[41] B. Aydin: 18.Yüzyila Ait Türkçe "Müfredat" Kitaplari ve Türk Tip Tarihindeki Yeri, unpublished PhD thesis, advisor Nil Sari. See also Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari 7, Istanbul 1998, p. 55.
- N. Sari: "Türk Tip Tarihinde Hindiba Türleri, Etkileri ve Günümüz Arastiricilarina Öneriler", op.cit., pp. 14-15, 17-26, 26-31.

[42] N. Sari: "Türk Tip Tarihinde Hindiba Türleri, Etkileri ve Günümüz Arastiricilarina Öneriler", op.cit., pp. 12-13, 15-16, 38, 40, 46, 48.
- In the introduction of his "Edviye-i Müfrede", the first medical manuscript in Turkish, Ishak bin Murad noted: "I compiled the materia medica current in neighbouring districts/provinces and those known in Turkish."; however, he described under the title willow his discovery of a new medicine (f. 23b), explaining that he "prescribed it many times and that it was unknown in medicine." Although in Ottoman manuscripts we frequently come across drug treatments said to be tried, we rarely find one described as a discovery. See M. Canpolat: XIV Yüzyilda Yazilmis Degerli Bir Tip Eseri Edviye-i Müfrede, op.cit., pp. 25-26.

[43] A. H. Bayat: Osmanli Devletinde Hekimbasilik Kurumu ve Hekimbasilar, op.cit., p. 57.
- See Abbas Vesim Efendi b. Abdurrahman b. Abdullah: Düstûrü'l Vesim fi' t-Tibbi'l-Cedid ve'l-Kadim. Ragip Pasa Library, no. 947, ff. 509 b, 500a - 501a, 505a for the importance of reaching information by means of observation in hospitals.
- See Abbas Vesim, f. 508a for the idea that obtaining information by reading books written in the past is beneficial. Also see Mukbilzâde Mü'min: Miftâhü'n Nur ve Hazâinü' s Sürûr. Süleymaniye/Hamidiye Library, no. 1034/4, f. 93a. ; Emir Çelebi: Enmüzecü't tib. Süleymaniye/Fatih Library, no. 3530, f. 263a.
- See Abbas Vesim, f. 507 b for the necessity to be informed of the authorities.
- N. Akdeniz (Sari): Osmanlilarda Hekim ve Deontolojisi, op.cit., pp. 72, 127, 138.

[44] G. A. Russell: Introduction to the Seventeenth Century: The Age of 'Arabick'. "The 'Arabick' Interest of the Natural Philosophers in Seventeenth-Century" England. Edit. G. A. Russell. E. J. Brill, Leiden 1994, p. 6.
- N. Sari: Bati'da Yeniden Dogus: Rönesans. Cerrahpasha Medical School, Medical History and Ethics Department, 1989 lecture notes, pp. 1-5.
- S. Ural: op. cit., pp. 152, 153, 213-214, 225, 245.
- For the role of the philosophy of science in the development of modern science, also see:
- H. Z. Ülken: Bilim Felsefesi. "Ülken no. 3", Istanbul 1983.
- C. Yildirim: Bilim Felsefesi. "Remzi Kitabevi, Büyük Fikir Kitaplari, seri 35", Istanbul 1979.
- R. S. Westfall: Modern Bilimin Olusumu - The Construction of Modern Science (translated by I. H. Duru), Ankara 1987.

[45] E. Kâhya notes, "Generally previous medical works were copied or comments were made to classical works of medicine in the 18 century too. See On Dokuzuncu Yüzyilin Ilk Yarisinda Osmanli Imparatorlugunda Tip Egitimi ve Kalburüstü Hekimlerimiz", op.cit., pp. 685-6.
- S. Ural: op.cit., p. 216. For Roger Bacon's (1220-1292) reaction to authorities, see pp. 150-152, 214.
- E. Z. Karal: Osmanli Tarihinde Türk Dili Sorunu (Tarih Açisindan Bir Açiklama) Bilim Kültür ve Ögretim Dili Olarak Türkçe. Ankara 1978, "Türk Tarih Kurumu, seri XXIII, no. 1", pp. 7-96. See p. 40.

[46] S. Ural: op.cit, pp. 14-15.
- S. Tekin: "Eski Türk Yazi Dillerinin Özellikleri Üzerine Düsünceler ve Bunlarin Tesekkülü ile Türk Siyasi Birlikleri Arasindaki Iliskiler". Tarih ve Toplum, no.101, Mayis 1992, pp. 265-275.

[47] S. Tekin: op. cit., pp. 268, 269, 272, 273.
- N. Sari: Bilim Dogu'ya Göç Ediyor: Islam Dünyasi. Cerrahpasa Medical School Medical History and Ethics Department 1995-96 lecture notes, pp. 1, 7-8.
- N. Sari: Bati'da Yeniden Dogus: Rönesans. Cerrahpasa Medical School, Medical History and Ethics Department, 1989 lecture notes, p. l.
- S. Ural: op. cit., pp. 147, 148, 150, 151. Transmission of a culture from one district to another following translations will start a new period in the history of thinking. See Sarton: Introduction to the History of Science, vol. II, part I, 1950, p.109.
- B. A. Kateb: "Review of the History of the Teaching of Medicine in Arabic Eastern Mediterranean." Health Journal, vol. 5, no: 3, 1999, p: 598. See foot note 143.

[48] B. Sehsuvaroglu: "Anadolu'da Türkçe Ilk Tip Eserleri." Istanbul Üniversitesi Tip Fakültesi Mecmuasi, Istanbul 1957.
- B. Sehsuvaroglu: "Anadolu'da Türkçelesme Cereyanlari ve Türkçe Ilk Tip Yazmalarindaki Terimler". Türk Dil Kurumu VII. Kurultay Bildirileri 1957, Türk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara 1960.
- K. Süveren, I. Uzel: "Ilk Türkçe Tip Yazmalarina Genel Bir Bakis." Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari 2, Istanbul 1988, pp. 126- 142.
- R. Sesen: "Ortaçag Islam Tibbinin Kaynaklari ve XV Yüzyilda Türkçe'ye Tercüme Edilen Tip Kitaplari". Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari 5, Istanbul 1993, pp. 11-20.
- K. Yavuz: "XIII-XVI. Asir Dil Yadigarlarinin Anadolu Sahasinda Türkçe Yazilis Sebepleri ve Bu Devir Müelliflerinin Türkçe Hakkindaki Görüsleri." Türk Dünyasi Arastirmalari, no. 27, Aralik 1983, pp. 9-57, See p. 32.
- Z. Korkmaz: "Dil Inkilâbinin Sadelesme ve Türkçelesme Akimlari Arasindaki Yeri", Türk Dili, vol. XLIX, no. 401, Mayis 1985. See p. 4. Also see Z. Korkmaz: "Anadolu'da Türkçe'nin Yazi Dili Olusu ve Ilk Öncüleri." Türk Dili, no. 390/391, Haziran-Temmuz 1984, pp. 272-78.
- A. H. Bayat: "Necip Pasa Kütüphanesi Tibbi Yazmalari." Türk Kültüründe Tire, M. Seker (Ed.), "Türkiye Diyanet Vakfi, no. 134", Ankara 1992, pp. 77-80.
- S. Tekin: op. cit., p. 272.

[49] Studies and publications on Turkish medical terms of the Ottoman period:
- B. Sehsuvaroglu (Ed.): Esref b. Muhammed - Haza'inü's Sa'adet 864/1468. "Türk Tarih Kurumu Yay., seri 11, no. 9, Ankara 1961.
- Tarama Sözlügü. 8 vol., Türk Dil Kurumu, Ankara 1963-1977.
- N. Yildirim: XV. Yüzyila Ait Anonim Bir Cerrahnâme, Cerrahi Yöntemlerin Kullanildigi Fasillar, Tibbi Terminoloji ile Bitki, Drog ve Madde Isimleri. Yeni Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari, no. 10-11, 2004-5, pp. 325-434.
- Z. Önler (Ed.): Celalüddin Hizir (Haci Pasa) - Müntehâb-i Sifa I Giris-Metin. "Türk Dil Kurumu, no. 559", Ankara 1990.
- I. Uzel (ed.): Serefeddin Sabuncuoglu - Cerrahiyyetü'l haniyye. vol. I, "Türk Tarih Kurumu, seri III, no. 15", Ankara 1992, pp. 1-3.
- N. Kafadenk: Hekim Bereket' in Tuhfe-i Mübarizi Adli Eserinin Tenkitli Metni ve Akrabadin Kisminin Incelenmesi. Istanbul 1996, Istanbul University History of Science Department, unpublished MSc thesis, advisor E. Ihsanoglu.
- Z. Önler (ed.): Celalüddin Hizir (Haci Pasa) Müntahâb-i Sifa II, Sözlük. "Simurg, Türk Dilleri Arastirmalari, seri 24", Istanbul 1999.
- I. Uzel, K. Süveren (ed.): Serefeddin Sabuncuoglu - Mücerrebname (Ilk Deneysel Türkçe Tip Eseri). Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Yay., Ankara 2000. This work is highly important not only because of Turkish medical terminology, but of Sabuncuoglu's drug experimentations on animals too.

[50] C. Büyükünal - N. Sari: "Serefeddin Sabuncuoglu, the Author of the Earliest Pediatric Surgical Atlas: Cerrahiye-i Ilhaniye". Journal Pediatric Surgery, vo1. 26, no: 10, 1991, pp. 1148-1151.
- A. H. Bayat: Necip Pasa Kütüphanesi Tibbi Yazmalari. Türk Kültüründe Tire, "Türk Diyanet Vakfi, no. 134", Ankara 1994, pp.77-80.
- See foot note 38.

[51] K. Yavuz discusses some of the reasons for writing in Turkish in Anatolia between the 12th and 16th centuries: "Support of statesmen; Turkish subjects urging to write in Turkish and their desire to gain knowledge; the idea of serving the people of their nation; to be remembered with blessing; attaining immortality; professional effort; and comprehension of the importance of writing in Turkish." See foot note 48, pp. 18, 23, 28.
Mücerrebname / Aqrabadin; Süleymaniye/Kiliç Ali Pasa Library, no. 716/ 1, f. 2 b.
- Ishak b. Murad of Gerede states in the preface of his book on materia medica entitled Edviye-i Müfrede: "I compiled the drugs the names of which are known in Turkish. Explain (serh) in Turkish so that many Turkish speaking people will understand easily." Fatih Millet Library, no.109. See: M. Canpolat, p. 25.

[52] Serefeddin Sabuncoglu: Cerrahiyetü' l Hâniyye. Fatih Millet Library, no. 79, f. 2 b.
- I. Uzel: Serefeddin Sabuncuoglu - Cerrahiyetü'l Hâniyye. Ankara 1992, "Türk Tarih Kurumu, seri III, no. 15", p. 34.

[53] Z. Önler (ed.): Celâlüddin Hizir (Haci Pasa) - Müntehâb-i Sifa I, Giris-Metin, op.cit., p. 5.
- Muhammed bin Mahmud of Sirvan notes in the preface of his book Mürsid: "Anyone who has pain in the eye will read this treatise and will find its cause according to the symptoms and try to treat himself." (Manisa Il Halk Library, Eski Eserler Secion, no. 1840, f. 5b-6a) See A. H. Bayat: "Muhammed bin Mahmud Sirvani ve Göz Hastaliklarina Ait Bilinmeyen Eseri Mürsid". Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari 7, Haziran 1998, p. 35.
- For similar examples, see N. Akdeniz (Sari): Osmanlilarda Hekim ve Deontolojisi, op.cit., pp. 135-7,144;Nidai: Menafiü'n-nâs. Cerrahpasa Medical School Medical History Museum Library, no. 318, f. 5a.

[54] N. Akdeniz (Sari): Osmanlilarda Hekim ve Deontolojisi, op.cit., pp. 144-165.
- R. Murphey: "Osmanli Tibbi ve Kültürler Üstü Karakteri (Onaltinci yüzyildan on sekizinci yüzyila)". Osmanli Bilimi Arastirmalari II. (Ed. F. Günergun), "Istanbul Universitesi Yay., no. 4111, Edebiyat Fakültesi Yay. no. 3410", Istanbul 1998, pp. 263-92. See pp. 269-270. (This text is a translation of "Ottoman Medicine and Transculturalism from the Sixteenth through the Eighteenth Century" by R. Murphey published in the Bull. Hist. Med., IXVI, 1992, 376-403.).

[55] N. Akdeniz (Sari): Osmanlilarda Hekim ve Deontolojisi, op.cit., pp. 147-148; 135-137.
- O. S. Gökyay (Ed.): Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, I. Kitap, "Yapi Kredi Yay.", Istanbul 1996, p. 228.
- A. H. Bayat: Seriye Sicilleri ve Tip Tarihimiz, op.cit., pp. 9-21.
- H. Sahillioglu: "Üsküdar'in Mamure (Cedide) Mahallesi Fitik Cerrahlari." Yeni Tip Tarihi Arastirmalari 4, Istanbul 1998, pp. 59-66.
- There were itinerant physicians and surgeons practicing medicine in bazaars and public squares. See H. Sahillioglu: "1700 Yilinda Istanbul'da Muayenehane Açma Izni Olan Tabib ve Cerrahlar". Türk Dünyasi Tarih Dergisi, no. 136, Nisan 1998, pp. 10-11.
- H. Hatemi -Y. I. Ülman: Bir Bilim Dili Mücadelesi ve Tanzimat. "Isaret Yay., no. 32", Istanbul 1989, p. 11.

[56] N. Sari - B. Aydin: "Gevrekzâde Hâfiz Hasan ve Zübdetü'l Kuhliyye fi Tesrihi'l-Basariyye". III. Türk Tip Tarihi Kongresi, 20-22 Eylül 1993.

[57] See V. B. Kurdoglu: Sair Tabibler. Istanbul 1967, pp. 83-84 for Alâeddin bin Nefis's translation of Mucez fi't Tib.

[58] E. Kâhya: Semseddîn-i Itâkî'nin Resimli Anatomi Kitabi, op.cit., p. 122; criticized text: p. 13.
- See foot note 51 for a similar view by Geredeli Ishak.

[59] According to the note on the back page of the document registered under D. 8228 at the Topkapi Palace Archive and entitled "The books given from the Court Treasury to the head physician for instruction", books were given to the head physician Molla Kasim in 983/1575 and handed over to Isa Çelebi appointed as the head physician when Kasim retired in 988/1580. All of the 66 books were in Arabic and they were works of former physicians of the Islamic period such as Ibn Sina, Ibn-i Baytar and Zahrawi. An imperial edict of the same date issued at the request of Yusuf Sinan (the head physician of Sultan Mehmed III) starts with the words "the former head physician Molla Kasim who was paid sixty akçes daily having died, his office being vacant..." We learn from this document that Molla Kasim, whose name cannot be found in any source related to Court head physicians, was the head physician of the Court Hospital. This document proves that, according to the sequence of appointment, the head physician of the Süleymaniye Hospital was to be appointed to the post. ( B.O.A Kamil Kepeci, Defter 238, p. 177. See footnote 11). There are many documents about the exchange of offices between the physicians of Süleymaniye Medical Madrasa and Hospital and the Court, which is another obvious sign indicating that the above mentioned books of the Treasury were the sourcebooks of medical education. Therefore, even if we suppose that clinical training and even theoretical education were carried out in Turkish, the basic medical books of instruction were in Arabic.
- "Students used to learn Arabic, but a long time was needed to be able to be educated in Arabic. Even if lectures were delivered in Arabic, probably they were explained in Turkish" wrote Süheyl Ünver who tried to explain how edueation with Arabic books could be carried out. The fact that there are many explanations (serh) in Turkish in books is also related with this practice. See "Orta Zamanlarda Türkçe Takrir Üzerine Kisa Bir Mülâhaza." II. Türk Tarih Kongresi tebligi, 25 Eylül 1937, 9p.

[60] R. Sesen: "Osmanlilar Döneminde Arap Dili ve Edebiyati Ögretimi", op.cit., p. 268.
- S. Tekeli: "Bilim Dillerinin Tarihsel Gelisimine Bir Bakis", Bilim Kültür ve Ögretim Dili Olarak Türkçe, op.cit., pp. 204-232.
- S. Tekin: ibid, pp. 266, 272, 273.
- E. Ihsanoglu: "Osmanli Devletine 19. yy.'da Bilimin Girisi ve Bilim-Din Iliskisi Hakkinda Bir Degerlendirme Denemesi." Toplum ve Bilim, 29/30 Bahar-Yaz 1985, pp. 878 8.
- Z. Korkmaz: "Dil Inkîlabinin Sadelesme ve Türkçelesme Akimlari", op.cit., p. 4.
- Tasköprülüzade (1496-1561) explained his aim in writing Sakayikü'n-Numanîye as to have scholars (ulema) known; and stated that he wrote in Arabic beeause it was the language of education in the madrasa, that is writing in Arabic was normal. See E. Kâhya: "Osmanlilardaki Bilim Tarihi Yazarlarindan Örneklerle Osmanli Bilim Tarihçiligine Bir Bakis." XIII. Türk Tarih Kongresi, Ankara, 4-8 Ekim 1999.

[62] R. Sesen: "Osmanlilar Döneminde Arap Dili ve Edebiyati Ögretimi", op.cit., p. 267.

[63] A. Cihan: "XVIII. Yüzyil Sonlarinda Istanbul Medreseleri." International Congress on Learning and Educatian in the Ottoman World. Istanbul 12-14 Nisan 1999. (The original documents dated 25 Ca. 1206/11.1.1792 are kept at the Ottoman Archive and registered as A. DVN, no. 829; their copies are registered as Kamil Kepeci, Nüfuz Defterleri, no. 6589/1; the results of the supervision and the census of students at the Istanbul madrasas in the year 1791 is registered as A.DVN, no. 852).
- E. Ihsanoglu. "Ottoman Sciences in the Classical Period and Early Contacts with European Science and Technology", op.cit., p. 5.

[64] E. Ihsanoglu: "Ottoman Sciences in the Classical Period and Early Contacts with European Science and Technology", op.cit., p. 5.
- The fact that only 10 of the 350 Ottoman madrasas during the 14th and 16th centuries were founded in the districts where Arabic was spoken as the native language is worth of mentioning. See E. Insanoglu: op.cit., "Osmanli Egitim ve Bilim Kurumlari", p. 243.

[65] See S. Tekin: op.cit., pp. 272-273 for the fact that those who knew only Turkish could not benefit from the madrasa education during 1100s.
- See R. Sesen: "Osmanlilar Döneminde Arap Dili ve Edebiyati Ögretimi", op.cit., pp. 274-275 for the lack of Arabic education and its reasons.
- See E. Ihsanoglu: "Ottoman Sciences in the Classical Period and Early Contacts With European Science and Technology", op.cit., pp. 8-11 for Comte de Marsigli, who described Turkish as a language composed of Turkish, Arabic and Persian and claimed that most of the Ottoman people knew Arabic, Persian and Turkish. However, Marsigli stayed in Istanbul only eleven months during 1679-1680. Whether he knew these three languages well enough or not and his assumption has to be questioned. On the other hand, what were the criteria of Toderini who stayed in Istanbul during 1781 and 1786, when he assumed that madrasas were better than European schools of the same quality in terms of scientific autonomy and other points? Such issues must be studied. One must also keep in mind that there are others who viewed these issues differently; for example see Rauwolff's point of view, footnote 74.
- See E. Ihsanoglu: Büyük Cihad' dan Frenk Fodulluguna, op.cit., p. 86 for scholars educated in Iran, Damascus and Egypt, the former centers of Islamic civilization, and the Ottoman Turks who started the activity of writing in Turkish and translation of Arabic and Persian literature into Turkish after returning home. Does this mean that those who didn't know Arabic were able to compensate their lack of Arabic in an Arabic speaking environment?
- In his speech on the 700th anniversary of the establishment of the Ottoman Empire, M. Kaya remarked "As Turkish grammar was written in late 19th century, students were not able to learn another language comparing it with their native language; consequently it took long years to learn Arabic, the language of instruction in the madrasa; and the number of those who learned it enough to think and write in Arabic on scientific and intellectual subjects were rather few." See Sagduyu, 3 Mart 1999.
- The five science (ilim) and language books in Arabic printed in Rome during 1590 and 1595 to be distributed in the eastern markets of the Ottoman Empire were not sold. Why? The reasons might help in enlightening our subject of discussion. See G. A. Russell: The 'Arabick' Interest of the Natural Philosophers in Seventeenth-Century England. (Edit. G. A. Russell), E. J. Brill, Leiden 1994, p. 12.

[66] R. Sesen: "Osmanlilar Döneminde Arap Dili ve Edebiyati Ögretimi", op.cit., p. 267.
- B. Kateb, op.cit., see foot note 143.

[67] A. Sayili: "Ana Dilimiz Yeni ve Eski Sözcüklerle Yakin Anlamli Sözeükler." Bilim Kültür ve Ögretim Dili Olarak Türkçe, "Türk Tarih Kurumu Yay., seri XXIII, no. 1", Ankara 1978, pp. 387-405. See p. 388.
- E. Z. Karal: "Osmanli Tarihinde Türk Dili Sorunu (Tarih Açisindan Bir Açiklama)". Bilim Kültür ve Ögretim Dili Olarak Türkçe, "Türk Tarih Kurumu, seri XXIII, no. 1", Ankara 1978, pp. 7-96. See p. 20. See: "Türkçe'de Arapça ve Farsça Etki Üstünlügü (1517-1718)", op.cit., pp. 37-39.
- E. Z. Karal deseribes how the development of Turkish was hindered. See E. Z. Karal: p. 28
- Z. Korkmaz: "Dil Inkilabinin Sadelesme ve Türkçelesme Akimlari", op.cit., pp. 4-5.

[68] A. Adivar: Osmanlilarda Türklerinde Ilim, 4th edition, (Ed. A. Kazancigil - S. Tekeli), Remzi Kitabevi, Istanbul 1982.

[69] Works of Gevrekzâde Hafiz Hasan Efendi, for example Risâle-i Tibbiye (Topkapi Sarayi Library, Hazine no. 570), Dürretü'l Mensuriye fi Tercümetü '1 Mensüriye (Süleymaniye Library/Bagdatli Vehbi, no. 1489) and Risale-i Zübdetü'l Kuhliyye fi Tesrihi'l-Basariyye (Topkapi Palace Library, Hazine no. 571) are hard to comprehend.
- Suûrî: Ta'dilü'l-Emzice. Cerrahpasa Medical School, Medical History Museum Library, no. 279.

[70] Tokatli Mustafa b. Ahmed b. Hüseyin: Tebhizü' l Mathun. There are three known copies of it: Süleymaniye Library/ Hamidiye, no.1015; Topkapi Palace Library/ III. Ahmed, no. 1903; Ragip Pasa Library no. 1335.
- A. Adivar, op.cit., p. 168.

[71] Mümin ibn Mukbil Sinobî: Zahîre-i Muradiye. Süleymaniye Library/Haci Mahmud Efendi, no. 5507. See: A. Adivar, op.cit., p. 13; N. Sari: "Osmanlica Tip Yazmalarinda Mâl-i Hülya ve Tedavisi (XV- XVIII th centuries)", Istanbul 1982, Istanbul University, Cerrahpasa Medical School, Medical History and Ethics Department, unpublished associate professorship thesis, p.133.
- Z. Korkmaz: "Dil Inkilâbinin Sadelesme ve Türkçelesme Akimlari", op.cit., p. 5. See pp. 7-9.

[72] See K. Yavuz, op.cit., p. 31 for the retrogression of the use of Turkish in litera-ture after the 16th century.
- See "Dil Inkilabinin Sadelesme ve Türkçelesme Akimlari", op.cit., p. 5 for Zeynep Korkmaz's note.

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